CONTENTS
CHAPTER 1
BLUFFTON - STAR OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
CHAPTER 2
BLUFFTON - PART OF THE MASCOUTIN TERRITORY
CHAPTER 3
JEAN NICOLET - THE FIRST WHITE MAN TO COME
CHAPTER 4
JESUIT MISSIONARIES VISIT THE BLUFFTON AREA
CHAPTER 5
FRENCH FUR TRADERS ARRIVE
CHAPTER 6
FATHER DABLON COMES TO THE BLUFFTON AREA
CHAPTER 7
FRANCE CLAIMS THE BLUFFTON AREA
CHAPTER 8
THE JESUITS ESTABLISH MISSIONS
CHAPTER 9
FATHER MARQUETTE AND LOUIS JOLIET PASS THROUGH
CHAPTER 10 THE
COUREURS DE BOIS
CHAPTER 11
THE DECLINE OF THE MISSIONARIES
CHAPTER 12
THE MASCOUTINS LEAVE THE BLUFFTON AREA
CHAPTER 13
THE FOX TRIBE OCCUPY THE FOX VALLEY
CHAPTER 14
THE FOX WARS
CHAPTER 15
THE NEAR EXTERMINATIONS OF THE FOX TRIBE
CHAPTER 16
ENGLISH SUPREMACY
CHAPTER 17
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR
CHAPTER 18
THE NORTHWEST ORDINANCE OF 1787
CHAPTER 19
FOX VALLEY INDIANS IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
CHAPTER 20
THE WINNEBAGO INDIANS
CHAPTER 21
THE DECORAHS
CHAPTER 22
THE FOX-WISCONSIN WATERWAY
CHAPTER 23
DAWN OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
CHAPTER 24
THE WAR OF 1812
CHAPTER 25
THE WINNEBAGO WAR
CHAPTER 26
THE INFLUX OF THE NEW YORK INDIANS
CHAPTER 27
THE BLACK HAWK WAR
CHAPTER 28
THE IMPACT OF THE BLACK HAWK WAR ON THE WINNEBAGOES
CHAPTER 29
THE OWNERSHIP OF LAND
CHAPTER 30
SETTLERS
CHAPTER 31
THE BLUFFTON MILL
CHAPTER 32
THE FOX RIVER IMPROVEMENTS
CHAPTER 33 A
FURROW STRAIGHT AND LONG
CHAPTER 34
CORN - THE SETTLER'S GOLD
CHAPTER 1 BLUFFTON -- STAR OF THE NINETEENTH
CENTURY
There
is a beautiful place where the water flows in its unrelenting search for the
sea. The place is called Bluffton; the
stream is called the Puckyan River. They
are located in the Town of Brooklyn, Green Lake County, Wisconsin.
This
place has seen the quiet hot summer days, the seething fury of winter
blizzards, the beautiful golden colors of autumn and the bird-song-filled lush
springs. It has heard the crow scolding
overhead, the owl hooting at night and the honking of geese from their overhead
flying wedge. It has felt the footsteps
of the bear and the bison, of the elk, the rabbit, the fox, the wolf, the
porcupine and the muskrat, of the moccassined red man and the booted
white. It has known good times and bad,
seasons of plenty and of famine. It has
known the friendly Mascoutins who opened their arms to strangers, and the treacherous
Fox who made it a part of a "dark and bloody ground." Here men struggled, loved, raised families,
educated their children, held fast to their religious beliefs and hoped for a
better future.
When
the nineteenth century dawned it was not yet named Bluffton. It was a part of the vast Northwest territory
that was so vague and unknown in the original states. It had been ceded by Great Britain to the
United States in 1783, but the Americans living along the eastern coast, who
had fought the British in the revolutionary War, neither knew nor cared what
happened there, and their fledgling government was staggering under more
immediate problems.
The
present always depends on the past, and to understand the nineteenth century it
is necessary to know what happened earlier.
The past of the pioneer days goes back through days of exploration,
through prehistoric days of the ancestors of the Indians, to the days of the
animal kingdoms, the dawning of plants and the time of the lifeless ice age.
Long
before the last glacier passed, an ancient river existed approximately where
the present day Fox flows. The Niagara
limestone ridge which runs through Wisconsin roughly parallet to the shore of
Lake Michigan prevented streams from flowing to the east and so the river took
a north-easterly direction. When that
last glacier came it followed the ancient valley, making it wider and
deeper. As the glacier retreated water
again flowed in this valley forming the river known today as the Fox River,
which is considered the oldest river in North America.
It was out of the cold and barren glacier warmed by the sun that the place called Bluffton was first formed. As the sun grew warmer the ice receded, leaving the land near its present formation. The lakes and streams appeared and began their search for lower ground. Green Lake formed, gathering water from many acres of land, emptying it into the Puckyan which flowed past Bluffton into the Upper Fox River. The Upper Fox meanders with a sluggish flow dropping an average of only about four inches to a mile, finally emptying into Lake Winnebago. From there the Lower Fox descends more rapidly into Green Bay, then out to the Atlantic through the st. Lawrence Seaway.
As
this system developed the small plants and animals began to thrive and in turn
supplied sustenance to the larger plants and animals. There was a time when the huge mastadoon
roamed here, when prehistoric people hunted for food, fled from the dangers of
the huge beasts, sought shelter where they could and managed to live and love
and raise families. The mound builders
came. They left their mounds upon the
earth and disappeared. Other tribes of
Indians wandered in and out. Perhaps
some Norsemen wandered through this place.
The buffalo, the caribou, the deer and the elk knew well this place,
grazing upon its prairie or marsh plants and refreshing themselves by the
mineral springs and flowing water. But
the records of men do not mention it until the seventeenth century.
CHAPTER 2 BLUFFTON - PART OF MASCOUTIN
TERRITORY
The
earliest knowledge of the general area around Bluffton was preserved by the
Jesuits in their missionary accounts.
The first known people to occupy this area were the Mascoutin Indians. The site of their village has been the
subject of much speculation and disagreement.
While we have descriptions of it, no one seems to have proof of the
exact spot. The early maps and accounts
found in the Jesuit Relations indicate that it was at least twenty miles
up the Fox River from the junction of the Fox and Wolf Rivers, and about
seventy miles from the Fox-Wisconsin portage.
It was on the south side of the Fox near where a canoe could land on a
non-marshy bank of that river. It was
reached by walking two miles, more or less, across a prairie from the landing
of the canoe. It was on fairly level,
elevated ground, from which the surrounding country could be seen in every
direction. It had a mineral spring or
springs.
While
historians have not agreed on a particular spot as the site of the village, the
consensus places it somewhere near the present city of Berlin. Prof. C. W. Butterfield places it "in
Green Lake County." Some think that
it is near the site where the village of St. Marie once existed. George Gary in his Studies in Early
History of the Fox River Valley places the Mascoutin village site on the
east half of Section 32 in Township 18 North of Range 14 East, in the Town of
Rushford, Winnebago County. In his
opinion this is the only place south of the Fox River which fulfills the
descriptions of the Jesuit Fathers' and Joliet's map. John J. Wood, Jr. of Berlin, Wiscosnin, in
his paper read before the X-ray Club, Berlin, on the 9th of February, 1907
(written for the Wisconsin Historical Society) also uses the maps and
descriptins of the Jesuits and the map of Joliet. He places the site in section 24 in Township
17 North of Range 13 East in the Town of Berlin, Green Lake County. (See map of Possible Sites of Mascountin
Village.) Wood said this site is the
crest of an elevated fertile prairie of several hundred acres. From here could be seen at least sixty miles
of the Fox Valley. Rush Lake can be seen
a few miles away. From the higher points
near the southern edge of the highlands, two miles to the south, can be seen
Green Lake sparkling in the landscape.
Gary
describes ill-smelling, ill-tasting mineral springs near his alleged canoe
landing as the mineral waters of the Mascoutins. He also describes a large spring of pure
water toward the southwest part of the site he describes. Wood names Winchell spring as the Mascoutin
mineral waters. Its water is said to
have a medicinal value and is delightful to drink. A brook flows from it to the Fox River.
Joliet's
map does not show the village of the Mascoutins but gives the location of the
region occupied by them. It shows a lake
with its outlet running northerly to the Fox River. Gary has assumed that this is Ruch Lake and
its outlet. Wood asserts that the lake
and its outlet is Green Lake and the Puckyan River flowing into the Fox, and
the Mascoutins are represented as being at or near Green Lake.
Are
these sites far apart? Not really. The sites suggested by Gary and Wood are only
four and a half miles apart as the crow flies.
Both are on that fertile paririe that stretches across the Green Lake-Winnebago
County line. It was known to the
pioneers as Democrate Prairie.
How far Bluffton is from where the actual Mascoutin Village was we do
not know. It is about ten miles from
Gary's proposed site and only six miles from Wood's site. It is also six miles from the site of St.
Marie but in the opposite direction than
the other two sites proposed above.
We
do not know whether the old Indian burial ground located on the right bank of
the Fox river and west of the Puckyan is the site of a fierce and deathly
battle as Charles Owen indicated in his poem, "The Old Puckyan," or
whether it was a regular Indian place of interment, as John J. Wood, Jr. hinted
in his description of the Mascoutin Village.
If, in fact, it was a Mascoutin burial ground than Bluffton was in the
midst of Mascoutin Territory. Certainly
the Mascoutins, their friends and allies controlled this area.
Father
Claude Allouez's description of the Mascoutin land is very brief, calling it a
very attractive place with beautiful plains and fields as far as one could
see. Louis Joliet wrote that he had
never seen, even in France, anything more beautiful than the prairies. They were a pleasing variety of groves and forests,
where one could gather plums, pomegranates, lemons, apples, mulberries and
fruits not known in Europe. He mentioned
quail, parrots, fish, buffalo and turkeys.
Father James Marquette calls it beautiful and very pleasing. He mentions the eminence on which the
Mascoutin Village was placed, from which one could see pariries on every side
extending farther than the eye could see.
The prairies were interspersed with groves of lofty trees. It was the prairies on which they lived that
gave the Mascoutins their name which means "an open country" or
"a treeless country."
The
Mascoutins were an Algonquin tribe related to the Ottawas, Chippewas, Sauks,
Fox, Pottawatomis and Illinois. These
tribes were known for their rude manners and war-like character. They lived by hunting, fishing and primitive
agriculture. The Mascoutins around Bluffton seem to have been less war-like
than their relatives, for after Pierre Esprit Radisson and Medart Chouart des
Groseillers visited them the two Frenchmen reported that these people
(including the Miamis who lived with them) were of a very gentle disposition.
The
Mascoutins built their village on an elevated, fertile, rolling prairie,
supplied with an abundance of spring water.
They lived in a palisade enclosure.
The height on which they lived commanded and extensive view of the Fox
Valley. Smoke or fire signals could be
seen as far away as the Montello ridge to the west, and to the east as far away
as the high ridge along the eastern shore of Lake Winnebago. It did not take many signal stations to pass
information to the Mascoutins from Green Bay or Lake Michigan on the east, or
from the Mississippi on the west.
The
forest region extending across northern Wisconsin did not extend to the vast
grassland of the Mascoutin country, though elms, oaks, and similar trees grew
in groves scattered across the fertile prairies, mostly along banks of
streams. Bark canoes and wigwams could
not be made from these trees but needed the bark from the birch or related
trees.. Father Allouez says that for
this reason the Mascoutins did not have birch bark canoes and so did not use
the streams as highways. This was a
great handicap in warring with other peoples.
They made their homes mostly from reeds or rushes woven together into
mats. Walls and roofs were made from
these mats lashed to sapling frames.
They did not give great protection against wind and rain but were easily
transported. The Indians
made packages of them and took them
along with them when they went hunting.
They raised Indian corn, squashes, beans
and tobacco, and gathered large quantities of plums, grapes, and other wild
fruits.
CHAPTER 3
JEAN NICOLET - FIRST WHITE MAN TO
COME
The first white man known to have reached
this area was Jean Nicolet, a young Frenchman from Normandy. He was of good character, had a deep
religious feeling and an excellent memory.
Soon after his arrival in Canada in 1618, Samuel de Champlain, Governor
of New France, wishing him to become an interpreter for the Canadian
Government, sent him to reside among friendly Algonquin tribes to be trained in
their customs, language and habits. He
lived among the Nipissing in his own cabin nine or ten years.
Champlain heard of a tribe to the west (of
a different lineage than the tribes known to the French) who were reported to
have come from the shores of a salt sea, somewhere far to the southwest. They were called "men-of-the-sea"
(Winnebagoes) by the Algonquins. They
were sometimes visited by another people without hair or beards (Sioux) who
made their journeys to the sea tribe in large canoes "on a great
water." The French still searching
for a new way to reach the orient with its rare metals and rare spices, hoped
taht these tribes would lead them to a water route to China and Japan.
Because Nicolet had tact, courage,
knowledge of the Indian character and skill in Indian customs and languages,
Champlain selected him to visit this distant tribe to establish peace and to
open trade relations between them and the French.
In the summer of 1634 Nicolet accompanied
by seven Hurons paddled up the Ottawa River, portaged a difficult 4 miles to
the French River, entered the Georgian Bay and passed through Lakes Huron and
Michigan to Green Bay. It was said that
he traveled one thousand one hundred miles in a birch-bark canoe. He sent one of the Hurons ahead to the
Winnebagoes to announce his appproach.
The messenger was well received and some Winnebagoes went out to meet
Nicolet and escort him and his companions to their village near the mouth of
the Fox River. Nicolet dressed in a
large flowing robe of Chinese silk damask strewn with birds and flowers of
various gay colors. as he stepped ashore
he held a pistol in each hand and fired a salute to signal his arrival. The frightened women and children fled from
the place.
The news of Nicolet's coming spread rapidly
among the tribes and over four thousand Indians gathered to see him. He gave the chiefs gifts of trinkets and
beads. Each of the chiefs welcomed him
and had a feast prepared for him. A
hundred and twenty beavers were roasted and eaten at one of these banquets.
Nicolet made a treaty with the Winnebagoes
who promised to keep the peace with all tribes east of them, a promise they
broke almost as soon as he was out of their sight. Nicolet then ascended the Fox River, passing
through Lake Winnebago and reaching the village of the Mascoutins. In 1634, just one hundred years after the
discovery of the mouth of the St. Lawrence by Cartier and only fourteen years
after the landing of the pilgrims at Plymouth Rock, Nicolet became the frist
know white man to gaze upon the waters of Lake Michigan, Green Bay, and the Fox
River, and to paddle his canoe to the country of the Mascoutins, the country of
Bluffton.
Nicolet may have been illiterate as he
himself left no written report of his journey.
How long he stayed among the Mascoutins is unknown, but it was long
enough to learn that the Sioux were not mandrins from China, and he had no need
for his silk damask robe. He returned to
the Winnebagoes, visited a neighboring tribe of Pottawatomies, spent the winter
somewhere among these tribes and returned to New France in Canada in 1635. Champlain died in December of that year. His succesor did not encourage
explorations. Champlain's death together
with continuing war with the Iroquois apparently put an end to French
explorations for a time.
It must have been a wondrous event in the
lives of the Mascoutins when a white man visited them. Yet one white man was hardly a force to
change anything and it was another generation before the next known white man visited
the Bluffton area.
In 1658 Pierre Esprit Redisson and his
brother-in-law, Medart Chouart des Grosilliers, formed a wandering partnership
to "travell and see countreys."
In 1659 they visited the Mascoutins, "a faire proper nation; they
are tall and bigg & very strong."
"When we arrived there weare extraordinary banquets. There they never have seen men with beards,
because they pull their haires as soon as it comes out [a mistaken notion]; but
much more astonished when they saw our arms, especially our guns which they
worshipped by blowing smoake of tobacco instead of sacrifice." The Mascoutins told them they were "in
warres" with the Sioux, a strong nation.
Of this country Radisson said that it was
so beautiful and fruitful that it grieved him that the world could not see it
and discover such an enticing place to live.
He said this because the land shortage of the Europeans caused them to
fight one another "for a rock in the sea."
CHAPTER 4 JESUIT MISSIONARIES VISIT THE BLUFFTON AREA
In 1634, the same year that Jean nicolet
came to Wisconsin, two Jesuit fathers went to the Hurons to establish permanent
missions among them. The high hopes
which followed the success of this work were suddently blasted when a powerful
war party of the Iroquois attacked in 1649.
About this time the Dutch let the Iroquois have guns. This act unleashed upon the Hurons what was
probably the most potent Indian military confederacy in North America. The Hurons as a nation broke up, some fleeing
east to their French friends. Some were
found later in the wilds of Wisconsin.
Many Algonquins also fled the Iroquois.
A remnant of the Miamis, an Algonquin tribe, appeared near Lake
Winnebago. When the Sioux drove them
from there they sought refuge with the Mascoutins near Bluffton.
The Jesuits, upon hearing that somewhere in
the wilds of Wisconsin there was a band of Hurons among whom were some baptised
Christians and Neophytes who had been instructed in the Faith, determined to
send missionaries to serve them.
Father Claude Allouez was the first
missionary to labor among the Indians of Wisconsin. With six Frenchmen and more than four hundred
savages of different tribes, he embarked on August 8th, 1665, at Three Rivers,
Quebec Province, bound for Lake Superior.
On October 1st he arrived at Chegoimagon on Lake Superior where he said
the first mass offered up in Wisconsin.
There was a great Indian village with a population of eight hundred
warriors, from seven different nations.
They lived in peace with each other, planted corn and led a stationary
life.
In the summer of 1667 Father Allouez
returned to Quebec to get help to Christianize these Indians. After remaining in Quebec for two days, he
came back with Father Louis Nicholas and one lay brother. The next year he again returned to Quebec
with some Iroquois captives whom he had ransomed from their captors, and came
back to Chegoimagon Bay with Father Claude Dablon, who was sent to act as
superior of the upper missions. In 1669,
Father Allouez celebrated the first mass ever offered in Green Bay. Eight Frenchmen attended this mass. It is probable that Nicholas Perrot was one
of them.
The Indians had already taken up their
winter quarters when Father Allouez arrived in Green Bay. He found collected in one village Sauks,
Pottawatomis, Fox and Winnebagoes to the number of about six hundred. Three other Indian villages not as large were
within twenty miles. Among these Father
Allouez worked through the winter, waiting for spring when he could go to the
villages of the Fox and the Mascoutins.
Some of the Indians of these tribes he had instructed at the Point of
the Holy Ghost on Chegoimagon Bay, and he wished to give them more knowledge of
the mysteries of the Faith.
On April 12, 1670, the ice broke up on the
river in Green Bay and on April 16th Father Allouez embarked on his journey up
the Fox River, which he named the St. Francois River. He saw clouds of "swans, bustards and
ducks." The Indians set snares for
them and caught as many as fifty in one night.
About ten miles up the river he found a village
of Sauks. They made a barricade across
the river by driving down large stakes so that there was a kind of bridge over
the stream for the fishermen. With the
help of a small weir they easily caught sturgeon and other kinds of fish which
this dam stopped, though the water kept flowing through the stakes. This was effective during the spring and part
of the summer.
As Father Allouez walked along the bank of
the river during the portage around the rapids at Kaukauna he found apple trees
and vine stocks in abundance.
On the evening of the 19th he reached Lake
Winnebago which he name Lake St. Francois.
The area around it was uninhabited because it was visited by the Sioux
who were dreaded by the other tribes.
father Allouez entered the upper Fox early in
the afternoon of the 20th. He entered
Lake Poygan which was bordered with wild rice.
As he entered he saw a pair of turkeys perched on a tree. They were just like the ones he had seen in
France, same size, same color, and same cry.
Ducks, geese, bustards and swans were abundant. He also saw large and small stags, bears and
beavers in great numbers.
Father Allouez ascended the Wolf River and
on the 24th he arrived at the Fox Village.
The Indians welcomed the "Manitou," and led him and his
companions to a cabin, treating them with respect. They were different than the Algonquin tribes
father Allouez knew but they could understand him, although he had very much
trouble understanding them.
There were more than four hundred warriors
and numberous women and children. It was
common for each man to have four to ten wives.
This "sin" was a
grievious obstacle to the good Jesuits.
The Fox Nation was more provident than most
of the Algonquins but the other nations considered the Fox to be greedy,
stingy, thieving, quick-tempered, and quarrelsome. They made war upon the Sioux, but did not
make war on the Iroquois, though often killed by them, because, like the
Mascoutins, the Fox people had no canoes for easy maneuverability. To escape the Iroquois these Fox had settled
in a remote region, but the soil was black and productive. They raised Indian corn and other
vegetables. During the winter they
hunted, returning to their cabins toward the end of the winter.
They used fish to season the corn they had
hidden the previous autumn.
In the center of a clearing they had a
strong, palisaded fort. Their cabins
erected around the fort were made of heavy bark, but on journeys they had mats
for shelter.
Before Father Allouez arrived two French
traders had come among them and had behaved so very badly that the Fox had a
very low opinion of the French. The good
father explained his own motive in coming among them and tried to give them a
better idea of the whole french nation.
Father Allouez planted a cross in the Fox
Village and named the place the Mission of St. Marc.
The French left the Fox Nation on
twenty-seventh, entered the upper Fox River on the twenty-ninth, and landed
opposite the Mascoutin Village on the thirtieth. Leaving the canoe at the water's edge, they
walked to the Mascoutin fort. When the
Indians saw them they hastened to meet them, accompanied them to the chief's
cabin, and gave them refreshments. They
oiled the feet and legs of the French paddlers.
This was probably not a a ceremony but a massage of the muscles to relax
them from the cramped position taken to paddle the canoe.
Afterwards a feast was prepared. When all were seated a dish of powdered
tobacco was brought. It was offered to
Father Allouez in a sacrificial ceremony similar to that which they used to
worship idols or honored objects. They
asked him to let the earth yield corn and the rivers give them fish; and not
let disease kill them or famine to treat them harshly.
Father Allouez was scandalized by this show
of worship. In his turn he presented
them with glass beads, knives and hatchets, telling them that he was not the
Manitou but His creature, trying to explain the Christian Faith.
There were only a few Miamis in the village
as the main body was out hunting. The
priest felt that their language was in harmony with their disposition; he found
them gentle, pleasant, calm, dignified and slow speaking.
About ten miles from the Mascoutins were
the Kickapoo and Kitchigamich who spoke the same language as the
Mascoutins. On May 1st Father Allouez
went to visit them in their cabins. He
found them kind and docile, but they had their superstitions and practiced
polygamy like the other savages. They made
him sit down on a fine new piece of fur and presented him with a handful of
tobacco which they placed at his feet.
They brought him a kettle full of fat, meat and Indian corn. They asked him to guard their land, come
often and teach them how to speak to that great Manitou.
The French did not stay long with
them. On May 3, 1670, Father Allouez
left these people who lived near and in the Bluffton area and returned to Green
Bay, being three days on the passage back.
On May 20th he returned to Sault Ste. Marie.
CHAPTER 5
FRENCH FUR TRADERS ARRIVE
When Father Allouez celebrated that first
mass at Green Bay in 1669 there were eight Frenchmen present. Father Allouez had only two French companions
with him. Who were the others? Probably fur traders. Two fur traders had visited the Fox Indians
before Father Allouez had, giving them a poor opinion of the French.
The fur trade had traveled quickly from the
eastern seacoast to the interior of the continent. By the mid 1630s beaver and other furs that
had been trapped in the Wisconsin and upper Mississippi Valley region were
leaving French ports. They had been
brought by Indian middlemen. The Ottawa
and Huron tribes were the leading agents.
The Iroquois, supplied by Dutch traders, were their competitors. As the beaver grew scarce in their own
territory the Iroquois became desparate for furs to trade, and attacked
fur-laden canoes of their Huron rivals.
In the 1640s they swept into Huron lands burning villages and
slaughtering the inhabitants. By 1650
the Ottawa and Huron Indians living east and south of Lake Huron had been
practically destroyed. The survivors
fled, some as far away as the upper Mississippi and Lake Superior region.
The expulsion of the Hurons from the region
between Lakes Huron, Erie and Ontario had repercussions in Wisconsin. Pushed by fear of the Iroquois and/or drawn
by the productive fur-bearing regions, the Indians rounded Lake Michigan or
paddled over the great waterway. The
large number and variety of the incoming tribes brought about a relocation of
the tribes already in Wisconsin. At the
time of Nicolet's journey in 1634 the powerful Winnebagoes occupied a large
region around Green Bay. At first they
defended themselves vigorously against the invading refugee tribes. But this constant warfare reduced their
numbers. Further decline came from
plagues (probably smallpox) and by famine, as food supplies were depleted by
the great numbers of invading Indians.
Pestilence, disaster and war had reduced the Winnebago population to
one-sixth of what it had been. This
population decline allowed other tribes to move into the area.
As these refugees established themselves
along the upper and lower Fox, the lower Wolf and Green Bay, their trading
operations became organized. The Ottawa
paddled fleets of canoes down the st. Lawrence, trading furs for firearms,
fabrics, and metal tools. Wisconsin
tribes received European implements of trade from the Ottawas before actually
being visited by the whites. They soon
learned the superiority of iron knives and axes over those of stone.
A few hopeful French traders and
missionaries accompanied the Ottawas in their travels. As early as 1662 anonymous coureurs de bois
were living with Chippewa bands along the south shore of Lake Superior.
The French aristocrats wanted beaver furs
to make the felt hats then so stylish in France and other European
countries. The best beaver skins were
those from animals trapped in the cold weather when the furs were thickest. The Indians scraped and rubbed the inside of
each pelt, trimmed them into rectangular shapes and sewed them together for a
robe. The Indians then wore these robes
with the fur toward their bodies. The oils
from their bodies kept the skins soft and the long hairs fell out leaving only
the soft downy fur. These were more
desireable and brought a higher price than unworn furs. One wonders what the reaction would be if a
French lady would suddenly learn that her luxurious fur hd been worn for months
by an Indian "savage."
To increase the activity in the fur trade
French traders used guns and particularly brandy as trade goods. The Indian was as eager to get the white
man's goods as the trader was to get the Indian's furs. This was the basis for an understanding
mutually agreeeable to both Indians and traders.
Nicholas Perrot was known in Green Bay
before the Jesuit Mission was established.
He was intelligent and fearless.
He was an expert in handling Indians who both loved and feared him. By the spring of 1668 he and his partner,
Toussaint Baudry, had been invited to visit Green Bay by a group of
Pottawatomi. They brought iron tools and
weapons to trade. The Pottawatomi had
just returned from Montreal where they had been greatly impressed and became
ambitious to replace the Ottawa as middlemen.
They notified many surrounding tribes--Fox, Miami, Mascoutin, Kickapoo
and Illinois--that they could bring their furs to Green Bay and trade for
French goods which the Pottawatomi would bring from Montreal. The two French traders looked upon this as a
threat to their own trading business, and they quickly made as many visits as
possible to nearby Indians. They visited
the Mascoutin and Miami village near Bluffton.
They were met by a chief at the head of more than 3,000 men and escorted
into the village. In May, 1670, they
joined three other traders in forming the largest flotilla of canoes that had
ever left the upper Great Lakes, Nine
hundred Indians left Green Bay carrying furs to Montreal. Besides the beaver skins there were pelts of
otter, marten, raccoon, mink, bear and lynx.
The great glut of furs caused the price ot plunge so low that their
profit was not as great as they had hoped.
No record was kept of which area supplied
what kind of skins. No doubt some of
them came from the Bluffton area, but probably not many beaver pelts. The habitat of the beaver covered a large
area of the American continent where there were aspen, poplar, cottonwood or
willow trees growing along streams where they could build their dams. Bluffton did not have these trees so it is
unlikely that it had any abundance of beaver.
It is highly likely that it supplied otter, muskrat and other furs.
CHAPTER 6
FATHER DABLON COMES TO THE BLUFFTON
AREA
When Father Allouez came back to Green Bay
from Sault Ste. Marie on September 6, 1670, Father Claude Dablon accompanied
him. They found trouble there. Fur traders were complaining that the natives
were ill-treating them in deeds and words, stealing their merchandise and
acting insolent and indignant. The
trouble seems to have started when some of the natives had taken their furs to
Montreal and had been badly treated, especially by some of the French
soldiers. After returning to Green Bay,
the Indians organized about forty of their young men into a company of
"soldiers" and, in imitation of the French, had placed guards at the
quarters of the French, similar to the actions of the French soldiers who had
stationed guards at the Indian quarters in Montreal. The priests tried to appease them as well as
they could and called a council of the tribes represented. At the appointed time for the assembly, two
of these "soldiers," with muskets on their shoulders and tomahawks
stuck in their girdles for swords, came to summon the fathers. The good fathers had trouble restraining
their mirth at the appearance of the sentries who paraded in front of the cabin
where the council was held. The Indians
expressed satisfaction in seeing Father Allouez. The older ones promised to abate the
"soldier" nuisance, blaming it on hot-headed "young men,"
but denying that they had been treating anyone as badly as the French soldiers
had treated them.
The main purpose of Father Dablon's visit
seems to have been to visit the tribes (Mascoutins, Miamis and Kickapoos) on
the upper Fox River. Father Allouez's
description of them, their country and their comparatively settled stationery
life had impressed him that it would be a very promising field for missionary
work.
Father Dablon gave us the first full
written description of the upper Fox River Valley. To him it had the beauty of a terrestial
paradise, and the way leading to it bore some likeness to the narrow path
leading to heaven. The "narrow
path" referred to the eight or nine miles of rapids in the lower Fox. They were very difficult because the men had
to walk barefoot over stones so sharp that it was hard to withstand the swift
current. But after successfully
completing the rough and dangerous journey, they were compensated with entering
the "fairest land possible to behold." Prairies stretched in every direction as far
as the eye could see, cut by a river which meandered through it so gently that
it rested the traveler to paddle his canoe with such ease.
The
hills and forests had been left behind.
Only occassional small grove-planted "openings" were present
which offered shade from the sun's heat, pleasure to the eyes, and wood to man
who could not get along without it. Only
elms, oaks and similar trees were seen--no trees whose bark could be used for
cabins or canoes. Grapes, plums and
apples invited the traveler to land and taste.
They were sweet and very abundant.
The banks of the river were covered with wild rice that attracted birds
and all sorts of game. Wild cows were
frequently seen in herds of four or five hundred head. They were so abundant that the savages were
not obliged to scatter by families during their hunting season as did savages
elsewhere.
Father Dablon also mentioned buffaloes,
which resembled the French bulls in size and strength. They differed, though, in being more
prolific; the females bearing three or four young at a time. They had horns double in size than those
which the French bulls had, though they were similar in form and color. Their horns were nearly two feet long. Their hair was thick, heavy, dark-colored and
resembled the wool of sheep, but was much coarser and thicker. It was used in making robes and garments
which were warmer than those made from any other furs in the country. Their flesh was excellent, and the fat, when
mixed with wild rice, most delicious.
Father Dablon describes birds (pelicans)
which from a distance resemnled swans to him.
He described them as having white plumage, long necks, and swan-sized
bodies and feet. However the beak seemed
much different to him, being at least as thick as a man's arm. He said they usually carried it resting its
weight upon their neck, which they bent backward for that purpose. Father Dablon thought it wonderful to see how
they used their beaks for fishing.
Beneath the beak was a sort of net which opened or shut according to the
supply of fish enclosed. This net, made
of skin, was fine and elastic. When it
was gathered up it fit so well and snugly under the beak that it could not be
seen, and the fish were not frightened from it.
At the proper time the birds could enlarge it rapidly and open it so
widely that it could hold a man's head.
Swimming to meet the fish and at the same time stretching this
fishing-net, they scooped up the fish and promptly shut the net lest the fish
escape.
On the 13th of September, 1670, Fathers
Allouez and Dablon arrived at the Mascoutin Village. Living with the Mascoutins were the Miamis,
all together numbering three thousand souls, each tribe able to furnish four
hundred warriors for defence against the Iroquois who pursued them even into
these remote districts.
The missionaries began instructing the
Indians. Father Allouez reviewed what he
had told them in the spring, then proceeded to tell them about Paradise and
Hell. He showed them a picture of the
Last Judgement, describing the happiness of the saints and the torments of the
damned. The Indians looked with wonder
at this picture, never having seen anything like it. They listened with attention and respect.
Fr. Dablon thought this was a fine opening
for him to make known to the Indians "Him, who is the great master of our
lives." He told them that the
missionaries were only the servants and deputies of the Diety. The Indians had no dodubt that the
"servants and deputies" could surely bring them victory, success,
material abundance and happiness.
Many feasts were prepared for the
missionaries, but they were not so much for the sake of eating as they were for
ceremonial requests for recovery from their ailments or success in hunting and
war. Some of the feasts were to
entertain the fathers. Some of the
oldest men would appear, dressed as if playing a comedy, and dance to the music
of some very tuneful airs, which they sang in excellent harmony. They gave the missionaries free access to
their dwellings. The fathers preached,
instructed and visited the sick.
Father Dablon was more impressed with the
Miami than with the Mascoutins. They
told him about the great river of the west (Mississippi) which Father Dablon
judged discharged into either the Vermillion Sea (Gulf of California) or the
Florida Sea (Caribbean). He saw some
warriors who had descended the river so far that they had seen men resembling
the French who "split trees with knives and had houses on
water." They had seen the Spanish
settlers who sawed boards and had ships.
At the time of this visit most of the
Miamis were living west of the Mississippi River. Those who were living with the Mascoutins had
separated from the main tribe. Many from
beyond the "Great River" had come to join their countrymen. Father Dablon hoped that more would come for
he felt that no nation was better fitted for receiving Christian influences
than the Miamis, and it was too far for the missionaries to go to them.
The Miamis, esspecially their chief, showed
Fathers Allouez and Dablon a great deal of politeness and affection. This chief was treated with more ceremony
than the chiefs of other Algonquin tribes.
The formal respect given him in his cabin was almost like that of a
prince in his palace. He was surrounded
by the leading men of the village, who, like courtiers, showed their respect
and esteem for him. The duties of the
kitchen were not performed in his presence or in that of the missionaries. When it came time for the fathers to hold
evening prayers the chief was eager to have a bright shining fire that would
give light for reading, and imposed silence upon all who were present.
Although the chief was regarded as a great
warrior, he had a gentle and winning countenance. It was their gentle manner as well as their
eagerness to receive instructions that impressed Father Dablon that they were so
worthy to receive the Word of Christ. He
was also impressed with their lack of superstitions. They did not offer sacrifice to various
spirits as the Fox and other tribes did.
They worshipped only the sun.
Father Dablon thought perhaps the reason they did not sacrifice to many
spirits was because they did not fish, but lived on Indian corn which was
easily raised in the fertile lands, and on game which was so plentiful that
they were never in want. He thought that
it was savages who had had their nets carried off in storms, or who had known
friends or relatives who had perished in canoe accidents or by breaking through
the ice, that believed in water spirits who might drown them or destroy their
nets.
When Fathers Dablon and Allouez left the
chief, the leading men and part of the village accompanied them, as a mark of
honor, to their place of embarkation.
The Indians were already preparing to build a chapel.
CHAPTER 7
FRANCE CLAIMS BLUFFTON AREA
In 1670, Jean Talon, the Intendent of New
France, ordered Daumont de St. Lussen to search for copper mines on Lake
Superior and to take possession of the whole country in the name of the King of
France. Nicholas Perrot went with St.
Lussen as his interpreter. Perrot was a
prominent figure among the French "voyageurs". He had a clear head, was energetic and had an
accomplishment most bushrangers did not have.
He could read and write, and he left a manuscript, a memoir of his life
and what he saw.
While St. Lussen wintered at the Manatoulin
Islands, Perrot sent messages to the northern tribes inviting them to meet St.
Lussen at Sault Ste. Marie in the following spring. He then returned to Green Bay to induce the
tribes in that vicinity to attend the proposed gathering of the nations. It is said that when he visited the Miamis
near Bluffton, they entertained him with an Indian ballgame and a sham battle. His description of the ceremony and pomp
surrounding the Miami chief parallels that of Father Dablon.
The idea was that the chiefs of the various
tribes should surrender the claim of sovereignty over their lands to the King
of France in return for French protection and the advantages of trade. The Indians would become children of New
France. It appears that the chiefs of
the Mascoutins and the Kickapoos did not attend the great council. The stately potentate of the Miamis may have
been recognized as the Mascoutin chief, since those tribes lived together. However the Miami chief was persuaded by the
Pottawatomies that the trip would be too tiresome for him, and he allowed them
(the Pottawatomis, who were relatives of the Mascoutins) to represent him in
council. The wiley and hot-tempered
Foxes who developed a hatred for the French (excepting Perrot and the
missionaries) gathered with the other Indians at Green Bay. When Perrot sailed from Green Bay for Sault
Ste. Marie with an imposing fleet of canoes, the Fox turned back to their
homes. It was not known whether they
simply changed their minds or whether the change was part of a devious scheme
prompted by their treacherous nature.
On June 14, 1671, St. Lussen led his men to
small hill near the village of the Chippewas.
There was a colorful crowd with French ssoldiers in full dress uniform
armed and equipped; four blackrobed missionaries; fifteen Indian chiefs in
their best savage dress with paint and feathers; and fur traders with their
leather breeches, bright sashes and fringe.
Some two thousand Indians from a wide area attended the impressive
ceremony. A large cross was erected and
blessed by Father Dablon. A cedar post
near it bore a small plate engraved with the royal arms. The "Vexilla Regis" was sung at the
erection of the cross and St. Lussen's followers sang the
"Exaudiat." After a prayer for
the king, offered by one of the fathers, St. Lussen advanced with a sword in
one hand, and elevating a clod of turf in the other, prompously claimed the
whole country, declaring, "In the name of the Most High, Most Mighty and
Most Redoubted Monarch, Louis, Fourteenth of that name, Most Christian King of
France and Navarre, I take possession of the said place of Ste. Mary of the
Falls as well as of Lakes Huron and Superieur, the island of Caietonton [Manitoulin]
and of all other countries, rivers, lakes and tributaries, contiguous and
adjacent thereunto, as well discovered and to be discovered, which are bounded
on the one side by the Northern and Western seas and on the other side by the
South Sea [Pacific Ocean} including all its length or breadth."
The French fired their muskets shouting
"Vive le Roi [Long live the King].
The Indians joined in the din with their savage yelps and
exclamations. Fr. Allouez then spoke to
the Indians in their own language, stressing the glory, power, riches and
magnificence of the French king, how no one dares make war on him but humbly
submits to him and begs for peace.
And so France, whose king lived half a
continent and a broad ocean away, claimed thousands of square miles of land,
including the site of the future Bluffton.
She claimed the territory of the Mascoutins in the name of her king,
though neither the king nor any Mascoutins were present, though that tribe may
have been represented by the Pottawatomies.
CHAPTER 8
JESUITS ESTABLISH MISSIONSISSIONS
Before going to the great council at Sault
Ste. Marie in 1671. Father Allouez made a winter journey to the Fox tribe. Indians from several other nations had increased
the population of their village. There
were more than two hundred cabins each containing five or six families with
some as many as ten families in a cabin.
The disorder of these people reminded the priest of Babylon. Some of them had been to French settlements
the summer before and had received such harsh tratment they were planning to
kill some Frenchmen in
retaliation. The traders were afraid to
go among them. Father Allouez exposed
his life in order to bring them the Gospel and peace. On the twentieth of February he left the Bay
des Puans (Bay of the Winnebagoes or Green Bay) and traveled nearly sixty miles
in six days over ice and snow. He
visited from cabin to cabin, encouraging some with the hope of Paradise and
frightening others with fear of Hell. He
endured their ridicule, mockery and rebuffs.
He felt horror when he entered cabins of chiefs who had as many as eight
or ten wives. But his patience won the
day. They began to listen to him with
respect and even with some kindness. When he left the old men promised to erect
a chapel when he returned.
Father Allouez and Father Louis Andre
erected a bark chapel and a cabin for themselves at De Pere which they called
the Mission of St. Francis Xavier. The
site selected for the chapel was at the place where many tribes gathered for
fishing and hunting. Fish and wild fowl
were sometimes taken in the same net at the same time. At this place a broad strip of prairie on
each side of the river was backed by woods of tall timber not very dense in which
wild-cats, deer and bears were found.
The fishing device of a barricade of stakes across the river was used
here.
Fathers Allouez and Andre divided the
labor of their various missions, Father Andre working among the bay shore
tribes and Father Allouez among the Fox and other tribes living on the Fox
River. The mission among the Fox Indians
on the Wolf River was known as the Mission of St. Marc. Like other missions a large cross was planted
in their village. Father Allouez told
them the story of Constantine and the sign in the heavens. A Fox war party had been planning to go
against the Sioux. After marking crosses
on their shields the warriors rushed into combat with such vigor that they won
a great victory.
A bark Chapel named after St. Jacques
(James) was built in the Mascoutin Village near Bluffton. It was filled several times a day by Indians
who went there to pray. In May, 1672,
Father Allouez found 200 cabins occupied by five tribes in this village.
By 1674 the Mascoutin Village contained as
many as twelve tribes, speaking three different languages and had an estimated
population of twenty thousands souls.
The mission of St. Jacques advanced slower than that of St. Marc because
Father Allouez was unable to attend it except by short visits. Father Antoine Silvy was sent to help
him. In his Jesuit report Fater Allouez
stated that this mission alone would require two missionaries because of the
different nations who lived there and because of the great numbers of people
who were continually arriving to make their home there.
Father Allouez praised the Mascoutins for
the great respect they had for their cross.
A heavy gale broke one of its arms throwing it down. They housed it very carefully and returned it
to the priest. The Miamis also held the
cross in great respect. An itinerant
French trader became angry, drawing his sword to avenge himself for the theft
of some of his goods. The Miami Captain
pointed out the cross, telling him that the tree of the Blackgown teaches us to
pray and not to lose our temper.
After the death of Father Marquette in
1675, Father Allouez was sent to take his place. Father Silvy was also sent to another mission
and Father Bonnault was sent to take charge of the Missions of St. Jacques and
St. Marc.
CHAPTER 9
FATHER MARQUETTE AND LOUIS JOLIET PASS
THROUGH
Louis de Buade de Frontenec, governor of
New France, and Jean Talon, Intendent of New France, decided to send an
expedition to find and explore the Mississippi.
To go on this trip they picked Louis Joliet and Father Jacques
Marquette, a Jesuit priest.
Joliet was a young merchant, a fur trader
and explorer. He was born in Quebec and
educated by the Jesuits. He had
experience and knowledge of the language and country of the Ottawas. He had tact and prudence, but most important
of all, he had courage to dread nothing where everything was to be feared.
Father Marquette was a native of the City
of Laon in Northeastern France, hale and hardy physically, with a gentle,
retiring, and deeply religious disposition.
The Jesuits in France had sent him to do missionary work among the
Indians of North America. He had
replaced Father Allouez at the Mission of the Holy Ghost at La Pointe when
Allouez had been sent to establish a mission at Green Bay. He had met some Illinois Indians at Holy
Ghost Mission, had been as favorably impressed by them as Father Dablon had
been with the Miamis, and wished to go among them as a missionary. To prepare himself for such an undertaking he
learned all he could of that tribe and hired one of them to teach him their
language. Circumstances interferred with
his efforts to leave for the Illinois country and he had lost all hope of
going. In 1671 troubling activities of
the Sioux forced Fr. Marquette to flee from La Pointe to Macinac, where he
founded the Mission of St. Ignace. On
the Feast of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin (December 8),
1672, when Fr. Marquette was at the Mission of St. Ignace, Joliet reached him
with orders from Talon for him to accompany Joliet on the expedition. Fr. Marquette was delighted to think that now
he had the opportunity to go to the Illinois country.
On the 17th of May, 1673, they set out from
St. Ignace with two birch bark canoes, five other Frenchmen and a supply of
Indian corn and smoked meat. Joliet had
two other Frenchmen with him in his canoe; Fr. Marquette had three because,
being a priest, he was not expected to paddle, while Joliet was. Fr. Marquette placed their voyage under the
care of the Blessed Virgin Immaculate, promising her that if they reached the
Great River they would name it in honor of her Immaculate Conception.
The way to Green Bay was already a
well-known route. They were welcomed by
the Jesuits at the Mission of St. Frances Xavier. On their way they visited the Menomonees,
named after the wild rice that grew so abundantly in their country. Fr. Marquette remarked that it resembled the
wild oats that grew among French wheat.
The rice grew in small rivers with muddy bottoms, and in swampy places. The stems were hollow and jointed. It emerged above the water about June and
continued growing several feet higher.
The grain was not larger around than wild French oats but was twice as
long and yielded much more meal. Each year in September the Menomonees went in
canoes through these fields and shook the grain from both sides into their
canoes. To remove the kernels of grain
from the husks they dried them upon a wooden grate. A very slow fire underneath the grate was
maintained for some days. When
thoroughly dry they put the rice in a bag made from a skin, put the bag in a
hole dug for the purpose, and tread it with their feet so long and vigorously
that the grain separated from the straw and could very easily be winnowed. The Indians then pound it into flour, or
boiled it whole and seasoned it with fat.
When the Menomonees learned of the journey
planned by Joliet and Father Marquette they tried to discourage them with tales
of savage tribes, horrible monsters in the Great River, and excessive heat that
caused death.
No dates or much detail is given in
Marquette's narrative until their arrival at the village of the Mascoutins and
Miamis near Bluffton on June 7th. As
they approached it, Father Marquette, out of curiosity, stopped to drink the
mineral waters of the river not far from the village. He also took time to find a medicinal plant
about which a savage had told him. For
snake bite its root was masticated and then placed on the bite to counteract
the poison. He put some of these plants
in his canoe so he could examine them more carefully when he had time.
Father Marquette found three nations in the
village, Miamis, Mascoutins and Kickapoos.
He found the Miamis were the most civil, the most liberal and the most
shapely. They were regarded as warriors
who almost always were successful in their expeditions. They were docile and listened quietly to the
religious instructions given them. The
Mascoutins and Kickapoos were more rude and seemed like peasants compared to
the Miamis.
Father Marquette was delighted to find
still standing in the middle of the
village the large white cross erected by Father Allouez. It was adorned with many white skins, red
belts, and bows and arrows which the Indians had offered in thanksgiving for an
abundance of game during the winter.
Joliet told the Indians about the plan to
discover new countries, telling them that they needed two guides. The French then gave them a present, thereby
asking them for guides. The Indians gave
them a present to show their consent to furnish the guides. It was a mat which served as a bed during
their whole journey.
On June 10th they left the Mascoutin
Village. The river was broken by so many
swamps and small lakes that, without the guides, it would have been easy to lose
their way, especially as the river was so full of wild rice. The guides helped them transport their canoes
over the 2,700-pace portage from the Fox to the Wisconsin River. Then the Miamis left for home, leaving the
French in an unknown country in the hands of providence. The French had left the region of waters
flowing to Quebec, that French capital more than a thousand miles away. They
launched out upon the waters flowing through strange lands where they thought
no white man had ever before paddled a canoe.
Radisson and Grosilliers had probably paddled there fifteen years
before, but if they had, it was unknown by Fr. Marquette and Joliet.
On June 17 they arrived at the mouth of the
Wisconsin River. They had reached the
Great River and named it "Le Fleuve de l'Immaculate Conception" in
the Virgin Mary's honor. One hundred and
fifty years before the Spanish had named it "Rio del Espiritu Santo"
after the Holy Spirit. But the name that
endured was "Michi-Sipi," the Algonquin word for "Great
Water."
Fr. Marquette and Joliet did not return to
the Mascoutin area, but reached Green Bay by way of the Illinois and Chicago
(Des Plaines) Rivers and Lake Michigan.
Fr. Marquette's health was greatly impaired by the hardships of this
voyage to explore the Mississippi. After
traveling 2,700 miles he was worn out and sick with dysentry. When he returned to Green Bay he sought rest
at St. Francis Xavier Mission, remaining there from September 1673 to November
1674. During this rest he wrote a report
and drew a map of his voyage. Meanwhile
Joliet traveled back to Quebec without Fr. Marquette. Just above Montreal the bold and fearless
Joliet had his canoe upset and he lost all his manuscripts, books and
papers. It was the records of Fr.
Marquette that preserved most of the knowledge of their voyage.
In 1674-75 Fr. Marquette attempted to
establish a mission to the Illinois tribe but his health became worse and he
died while attempting to return to St. Ignace.
He was 38 years old.
Fr. Allouez was selected as Marquette's
successor. Passing near Potawatomies on
his way to the Illinois country he heard that a young Indian man whom he had
baptised at the Mission of the Holy Ghost had been killed by bears. He turned aside to comfort the parents. The natives avenged the death by a great bear
hunt. They informed him that they had
killed more than five hundred bears.
Since Jean Nicolet's exploration in 1634-35
the Bluffton-Mascoutin area had been the western-most known region of New
France. The 1673 explorations of Fr.
Jacques Marquette and Louis Joliet, which were documented in their journals and
reports, greatly extended French knowedge of westerly lands beyond this
area. Bluffton was no longer on the
outer fringes of a French colonial empire.
Other French explorer-traders passed
through this area. In 1682 Robert
Cavelier La Salle descended the Mississippi and in a ceremony at its mouth
claimed its entire valley for France.
When Spain had discovered the mouth of the Mississippi she claimed all
of the lands drained by this Great River and its tributaries. Her claim had not been challenged
before. By 1700 France controlled the
mouth of the Mississippi. A boundary
between Spanish and French lands was never established. Neither country sought land for settlement
but exploided it for furs and minerals.
Louisiana was extended to include the
Illinois country, but the northern boundary, like the boundary between French
and Spanish lands, was never established.
Bluffton became a part of the great undefined boundary between New
France and Louisiana, the center of the French "crescent" that
stretched through North America from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the mouth
of the Mississippi.
Though the boundary between Louisiana and
Canada was never determined, the competition for the fur trade between the two
colonies was insignificant. Furs shipped
through the lower Mississippi with its warm climate suffered heavy losses due
to worms and rapid spoilage. Furs and
hides from Missouri and Illinois were taken up the Illinois-Chicago River route
rather than through Green Bay because of the rapids in the Mississippi. But furs from Iowa, Minnesota and Wisconsin
regularly passed over the Wisconsin-Fox-Green Bay route.
Yes, France possessed a waterway through
North America the length of which equaled the breadth of an ocean. It offered more than one course through it,
but none were traversed more than the Fox-Wisconsin route past Bluffton.
CHAPTER 10
COUREURS DE BOIS
The purpose of the colony of "New
France" was the fur trade. The
French were not there to cut down forests, clear farm land and build
communities, but to make as much money as fast as possible so they could go back
to France and live a life of luxury.
The French Government believed that the fur
trade would be more orderly and more profitable to those engaged in it if it
were confined to a few big companies who did all their trading at
Montreal. Legally the trade was never
open to just anyone who wished to engage in it.
The Royal licenses that were required were obtained from the governor
and were limited. In Quebec or Montreal
the trader could sell beaver furs only to a single buyer at governmentally
controlled prices.
The government discouraged permanent
settlement away from the principal fur-trading centers. Politically-minded Frenchmen dreamed of
extending French influence, building up a great Indian empire under the control
and sovereignty of France in which streams and forests would be left to fur
bearing animals and the Indians who hunted them. The Indians were to pursue their uncivilized
ways and continue bringing furs to French trading posts.
The discovery of new western lands spurred
young Frenchmen to seek their fortunes in furs from these territories. It was impossible to keep them from going out
on their own. The ease of evading
restrictions, the attractions of life in the open and the lure of profits drew
a number of colorful adventurers. It was
the only field open to youths of New France as well as for many who came across
the sea. Bushrangers remaining away from
settlements, sometimes for years, managed to find a market and profit in
forbidden trade. The government never
found a satisfactory way of dealing with the problem of unlicensed
traders. If it punished them too harshly
they took their furs to English posts, those rivals of the french. The meagerly paid government officials were
expected in some way to mend their fortunes.
Officials, who would gladly have enforced the law against their rivals,
were themselves profiting from the same illicit traffic. At times even the governor shared in the
illegal profits. Until the end of the
French reign the King and his officers continued to swing between empty threats
of punishments and promises of forgiveness.
The term "coureurs de bois" means
"wood rangers" and was first applied to traders who went without
permits as distinct from "voyageurs" who were licensed, or were hired
by a licensed man to carry trade goods and paddle a canoe. Eventually "coureurs de bois" was
used to refer to all traders who were out in the woods with the natives. The "coureurs de bois" were mostly
young men, hardy, enterprising and energetic, but away from all restraints of a
civilized social state, reckless in their disregard of the laws of God and
man. This lawless class passed among the
Indians, adding the vices of savage life to the vices of civilization. They had to be hardy to carry boats and
goods, enduring, skillful in shooting rapids, knowing how to mend canoes, and
able to speak Indian languages as well as hunt, trap and bale furs.
To increase the activity in the fur trade
French traders used guns and particularly brandy as trade goods. The Indian was as eager to get the white
man's goods as the trader was to get the Indian's furs. This was the basis for an understanding
mutually agreeable to both Indians and traders.
This trade could not have flourished with the desire of the Indians for
the white man's trade goods and their willingness to fight each other for that
trade. The Indians were eager for
knives, blankets, cloth, combs and mirrors as well as brandy and guns.
The adoption of new lliving habits and new
articles was not entirely one-sided. The
white man adopted the Indian's birch-bark canoe, moccasins, snow-shoes, tobacco
and toboggan. He learned to use wild
rice, maple sugar, pemmican, tallow and other native foods as well as buckskin
clothing.
Indians of the greater Bluffton area first
carried on trade with French traders dealing at Montreal. Later posts were established at Green Bay and
Prairie du Chien, on the opposite ends of the Fox-Wisconsin waterway. The fur trade tempered the warlike spirit of
the native tribes and brought them under the domination of the white man. The Ottawa, the original middlemen between
Wisconsin Indians and French explorers, were replaced by French traders.
CHAPTER 11
THE DECLINE OF THE MISSIONARIES
In the seventeenth century France was the
greatest Roman Catholic country in the world.
She was sometimes referred to as the eldest daughter of the Church. Religious martyrs were her national heroes. The highest ambition was to suffer and die
for Christianity which would assure their instant passage to Heaven.
The Jesuit missionaries who traveled across
the ocean and up the St. Lawrence Seaway left comfortable lives behind to face
suffering and hardship far from their native France. Their aims were the conversion of the savage
tribes to Christianity and the building of missions, including churches,
schools, colleges and warehouses at the the centers of Indian population. They wanted to teach the natives religion and
such arts of civilization that the Jesuits selected for them. They were accused of engaging in the fur
trade themselves in violation of the mandates and orders of the king, which
they did not deny except as to the extent of their trade and the use made of
the profits. They regarded the French
traders and soldiers as a demoralizing influence.
From the first the missionaries had
struggled against the sale of brandy to the Indians. The profits from its sale were great and
probably no other commodity of the same value could buy as many beaver skins or
peltries as brandy. It was reported that
on La Salle's second trip to the country of the Illinois, he was detained three
weeks at Macinac trying to purchase a supply of corn. He could not get any in exchange for goods or
money. Finally he was forced to offer
liquor for corn and got sixty sacks in one day.
There is no doubt that the missionaries had
reason to complain of the liquor traffic, the licentiousness of the
"coureurs de bois," and the unjust exploitation of the Indians by the
traders. These were great hinderances to
the success of the missions.
At one time the missionaries were so
distraught over the brawling and disorder among the Indians when they drank
that they appealed to the King of France.
He ruled that the transportation of liquor to Macinac for unrestricted
trade was prohibited. This prohibition
law was unsuccessful. The Indians took
their furs to English trading ports at Albany and Hudson Bay to trade for
rum. Rum was cheaper than brandy making
it possible to get as drunk on a minkskin's worth of rum as they could on a
highly prized beaverskin's worth of brandy.
Captain La Mothe Cadillac, Commandant of Macinac, bitterly opposed the
brandy ordinance. The dispute resulted
in Cadillac complaining that he could not get absolution and the Jesuits
denouncing the morals of the officials.
Even to the priests the prohibition of
brandy was not entirely satisfactory. It
caused the Indians to come in contact with the English, exposing them to the
protestant Church of England which they regarded with horror as detrimental to
the souls of the Indians.
How much the example and influence of the
other "Christians" with whom they came in contact contributed to the
decline of missionary influence among the Indians can only be guessed, but it
seems that that the red men learned the vices of the white men as well as their
religion.
A greater cause of the decline of
missionary effort was the sharp decline of interest in, and enthusiasm for,
missionary work in France. Jansenism was
very powerful in the later half of the seventeenth century. Fewer and fewer of the better class of French
youths entered the religious life. With
the decline in the numbers of Jesuits came a decline in quality, and their
missions became poorly staffed.
The natives had welcomed the first
missionaries as "manitous" who could secure success in hunting,
victory over enemies and good crops. As
they became more familiar with them and their human nature, the respect and
confidence in the power of the missionaries waned.
The ideals of the "blackrobe" and
the red man were incompatible. Every
Indian boy wished to be a great warrior, proud and self-dependent. The missionary's humility and patience only
increased the Indian's contempt. The
tribes most open to missionary training lost, in the eyes of the other tribes,
their manliness, and became prey of more savage natives.
The Jesuit missions among the tribes on the
Upper Fox and Wolf Rivers (including St. Jacques near Bluffton) had been
abandoned by 1685 when Nichlas Perrot on his journey found that Fr. John
Elranjan at St. Francis Mission was the only priest left west of Lake
Michigan. In 1687 this mission church at
De Pere was looted and burned by Indians.
The church was never rebuilt.
The Jesuits exhibited enormous efforts and
great heroism, but when the priests died or were no longer able to serve, they
were not replaced. Without the offering
of mass, the sacramental life of the Indians withered. However Christian influences continued. The Winnebagoes, known for their
offensiveness before the advent of the white man, became an honorable, amenable
tribe by the time the settlers came in the mid 1800s. At that time their tribal beliefs of creation
and the Great Spirit held a great similarity to Christian beliefs of Creation
and God.
French missionary priests served in the Fox
River Valley from the time Fr. Allouez celebrated his first mass at Green Bay
in December, 1669, until 1687 when the St. Francis mission at De Pere was
burned. For eighteen years a
"handful" of priests labored here.
In contrast French fur traders were already present at that first mass
and continued to work this region until France ceded it to the British in 1763,
a period of 94 years. Also their numbers
were much greater than the number of priests.
The wonder is not that the missionaries had less influence on the
Indians than the traders, but that they had any permanent effects at all.
With great sacrifice the missionaries
served their God and the people among whom they labored. Sincere, dedicated and enduring, they lived
with, and like, the Indians to plant the seeds of Christianity in their
lives. They deemed no hardship too great
if through it they could reach some dying Indian to bring him the
sacraments. No missionary accounts in
the world except those of the Jesuit missions in Japan record so long a list of
martyrs (in proportion to their numbers) as the Jesuits in New France, though none
were martyred along the Fox Valley.
The missionaries imparted knowledge of the
natives to the French, as well as French civilization to the natives. They were invaluable in pacifying irate
Indians, in deterring the traders from debauchery and bringing to all an
example of earnest service to God.
CHAPTER 12
MASCOUTINS LEAVE THE BLUFFTON
AREA
At the same time that the Iroquois from
western New York drove Indians into Wisconsin from the east, the Sioux invaded
from the west. These pressures worked to
concentrate Wisconsin tribes in the Green Bay-Fox-Wisconsin region where the
waterway provided a way of escape under almost all conditions. At this time more Indians from a larger
number of tribes lived at Green Bay than at any other period in history.
By 1679 the Jesuits reported that there
were: on the Bay des Puants (Green Bay) six nations speaking two different
languages; among the Fox four nations; and among the Mascoutins twelve nations,
speaking three different languages, with at least 20,000 souls gathered in
their village. The great increase in
population was attributed to refugees fleeing from the Iroguois or the
Sioux. If this estimate of twenty
thousand people was correct, then the Mascoutin village was the largest city
ever known to have existed in the Green Lake County area.
As the shortage of food developed and the
Iroquois threat declined, a slow outward movement began.
Early in 1680 Fr. Louis Hennapin had
ascended the Mississippi River from Fort Crevecoeur on the Illinois River. He and two companions were captured by Sioux
Indians. In the summer of that year they
were released to Daniel Greysolon de Dulhut who had come from Lake
Superior. They returned to New France by
the Wisconsin-Fox Rivers. From Fr.
Hennapin's account it appears that the Miamis had left the Mascoutins. He found Mascoutins, Kickapoos and Fox along
the Fox River.
Before the traders came the Mascoutins were
self-sufficient farmers. They lived on a
fertile prairie where they grew corn (their staple food), squash and other
vegetables. They gathered wild plums,
grapes and other berries and fruit, drying them for winter use. They also dried roots that they had gathered
such as wild potatoes. Wild rice
supplied food for themselves and the wild fowl they hunted. Green Lake, the Puckyan Stream and the Fox
River supplied fish. Near by roamed
plentiful game easily taken with bow and arrow or crude snares. The marshes yielded reeds which they wove
into shelters, baskets and other objects.
Like other Indians, when the Mascoutins
came in contact with whites who presented them with steel knives and hatchets,
their desires for more trade goods grew rapidly. The Indians wanted these tools that cut so
much more efficiently than their own stone and shell ones. They became hunters and trappers who worked
for the white man and became dependent upon him for their necessities. Besides the metal tools they wanted firearms
and ammunition, cooking pots, cotton or woolen cloth and decorative materials,
notably glass beads. As their desires
grew the need for furs to trade became greater.
The native animals had to supply not only the Indian's own necessities
of food, clothing and shelter, but the enormous desires of the European
aristocracy for luxury furs. Game became
less and they were forced to go further away and become more proficient in
hunting and snaring. The white man's
steel traps and guns became necessities as game became too scarce to secure by
the old methods. The art of pottery-making
fell into disuse as women acquired brass or iron pots and kettles.
As hunting and trading increased so did
competiton, and with that, war. Warfare,
hunting and trading were men's concerns; gardening, pottery-making and weaving
were women's concerns. As the relative
economic importance of women declined, so did their prestige and the value
their society gave to family life. The
longer absence of the father on the hunt crated stress on the family. For the Mascoutins it was the beginning of the
end. By 1680 the Miamis had already left
the Mascoutin Village; they again became a migratory tribe. As continued overpopulation further depleted
the available game and other resources the Mascoutins also left. La Hontan's map shows the Kickapoos were on
the Fox River when he passed in 1689, but shows no Mascoutins.
La Salle built forts in the Illinois
country to defend the area against the powerful Iroquois. He wanted to form a great Indian confederacy
to oppose that mighty nation. It is
believed that the Mascoutins and Kickapoos left the Bluffton area partly to
join this confederacy and partly because of the population pressures. A 1684 map locates them in northern Illinois,
from Lake Michigan to the Rock River. At
times Mascoutin tribes were located in southern Michigan, northern Indiana and
Illinois, and central and southeastern Wisconsin. For a time they established villages along
the St. Joseph River in Michigan. In
1728 some Mascoutins and Kickapoos were located on the lower Wisconsin and the
Mississippi Rivers.
The Mascoutins are no longer known to
living history. There has been about as
much speculation as to where they went as there has been about where their Fox
River Valley village was located. Wars,
disease and famines probably took their toil.
Some historians theorize that the remaining remnant of their tribe
united with the Kickapoo. The Sauk tribe
may also have absorbed some of them.
It was the practice of the United States
Government to asign an Indian agent to any tribe with whom they had signed a
treaty. One duty of the agent was to
study and keep records of the language and customs of the tribe. Because the Mascoutins signed no treaty with
the United States, they had no agent assigned to them and so no nineteenth
century government study was made of them.
There is less information known about this tribe than about those who
did sign treaties.
The Mascoutins, who extended a hospitable
reception to Nicholet, who entertained Radisson and Grosilliers, who was so
ready to receive the gospel of the Jesuits, who supplied needed information to
Fr. Marquette and Joliet before they pushed off into unknown regions, who
hunted wild cattle and buffaloes on the prairies of Green Lake, Winnebago and
Fond du Lac Counties, disappeared from history!
Bluffton was no longer a "suburb"
of a populous Indian capital, nor did she ever again become an urban region
though she tried in the nineteenth century.
Her greatness lay not in the concentration of people, but in the quality
of the life-giving support she gave humanity by her fertility and her beauty.
Her resources had been drained, but as her
population dwindled, her recovery began.
As the hunting and trapping for food, clothing, shelter and trade
decreased, the number of animals made a slow recovery. Bluffton became and for a while remained a
part of a vast prairie where the only inhabitants were transient traders or
hunters.
CHAPTER 13
FOX TRIBE OCCUPY FOX VALLEY
The next Indian tribe to control the
Bluffton area after the departure of the Mascoutins and their allies were the
Fox Tribe. They had not remianed on the
Wolf River where they were first found by the French. They established their main village on the
north side of the lower Fox where they could control trffic over the
Fox-Wisconsin water route, that route so close to Bluffton.
The Sioux Indians were beginning to have
direct access to European goods. Other
tribes objected to the Sioux, their traditional enemies, receiving weapons that
could be used against them. The Fox, the
Pottawatomies and Sauks tried to prevent traders from crossing Wisconsin. Very shortly after the Fox established their
villages on the Fox River, they took a toll on goods passing through their
country. They seized all firearms,
determined that none should reach their enemies. The toll collectors were the able-bodied male
population. The amount collected was
regulated by the whim of the Fox men at the time, taking into consideration the
strength or weakness of the party passing through.
There was conflict between the bushrangers
and La Salle, who claimed his grant included the exclusive right to trade on
the Fox River. It is said that La Salle
gave permission to the Indians to plunder any trader who did not have a
commission from him. The unruly Fox, who
were willing to plunder anybody, considered this sufficient authority, and some
fierce and bloody battles ensued. In 1685 in order to quiet the disturbance on
the Fox River, Nicholas Perrot received the title of "Commandant of the
West," and was placed in charge of Green Bay, the Fox River and their
surrounding areas. He was given the
authority to build forts and stockades which were to be paid for out of the
profits of the fur trade which these forts secured, similar to the arrangement
which La Salle had in Illinois.
The Fox Indians brought Perrot presents of
bear and other skins, and smoked the calumet with him, but they did not remain
quiet very long.
In 1687 at De Pere the St. Francis Xavier
Mission church and its surrounding buildings enclosed in a stockade were looted
and burned by savages. This raid was
said to have been a conspiracy between
the Fox, the Mascoutins and the Kickapoos.
The purpose of the raid was to procure the guns and ammunition stored
there. The Ottawa route to Montreal had
been so dangerous because of the hostility of the Iroquois that the canoes had
not gone down in two years, thus denying the Wisconsin Indians access to the
trade they had come to depend upon.
As Commandant of the West Perrot visited
the Sioux who were not inclined to trade with the French because of the
activities of the Fox. Soon after his
arrival they stold a box of his. Perrot
ordered a cup of water be brought to him into which he poured some brandy. Then he told the Sioux that if the stolen
goods were not returned he would dry up all their marshes. At the same time he set fire to the
brandy. Convinced of his supernatural
power they detected the thief and Perrot's goods were returned.
By 1690 The Fox controlled the Fox River
and environs. They were wily,
treacherous, quarrelsome and powerful.
The other tribes did not care to offend them. Among the other Indians they were considered
"penurious, avaricious, thievish, choleric and quarrelsome." They called themselves "Musquakies"
meaning "men of the red earth."
Tradition says that they had lived on the high bluff known as "The
Red Banks" on the eastern shore of Green Bay. The other tribes called them
"Outagamis" meaning "foxes" because of their
character. The French called them
"Renards," the French name for "Foxes," and the English in
their turn thought "foxes" as apt designation.
The Fox were newcomers to the Fox Valley;
the French had discovered and utilized the Fox-Wisconsin passage before the Fox
had moved down from the banks of the Wolf River. When they stopped all French traffic, the
French had to either drive away the Fox or abandon the Fox-Wisconsin water route. They could not drive them away as long as
there were very many warriors left. They
had either to exterminate the Fox or give up the great highway to their western
possessions, the highway they had discovered and used before the Fox were
located along its banks.
For the French things were generally in an
uproar. Two conflicting opinions
influenced the policies of the government of New France. The governor wanted to develope the western
territory by building forts and trading posts to protect French interests and
fur trade, and to prevent the English from taking over the area. Opposed to the govenor were the intendant (as
sort of King's overseer), the Jesuits and the farmers and merchants around
Quebec. They wanted to abandon the
western lands and have the Indians bring their furs to Montreal as they had
orgininally. They did not want young
Frenchmen to leave the settlements along the St. Lawrence River where they were
needed on the farms, nor did they want them to live the lawless life of the wilderness,
destroying by their bad example the Christianization of the Indians. In 1696 the king revoked the licenses of all
traders. Macinac was abandoned by the
French officials, but bootleg traders continued flitting through the woods.
In 1699 Perrot, the only Frenchman who
seemed to have had an influence with the Fox, was recalled from his post at
Green Bay. The Fox Indians quietly took
advantage of the situation and increased their demands of tribute from any white
man who passed.
About the beginning of the eighteenth
century the Kickapoos and Mascoutins appear to have been at the mouth of the
Rock River in Illinois. Their friendship
with the Fox continued, but evidence points to an intense hatred of the Fox on
the part of the Hurons, Ottawas, Potawatomis, and the Menomonees who remained
around their old home on the west side of Green Bay.
The Mascoutins had departed from the
environs of Bluffton. It was the Fox
tribe who controlled that area. Though
it seems the Fox did not have any village there, they effectively prevented any
other tribe from occupying it.
CHAPTER 14
THE FOX WARS
In 1701 Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, who
had been commandant at Macinac, received permission to erect a fort at
Detroit. It was hoped that moving the
fur trade center from Macinac to Detroit would keep the rival British traders
from the upper Great Lakes. At that time
the best beaver hunting in the west was in the southern peninsula of
Michigan. Hurons and Ottawas deserted
their villages near Mackinac and moved near Detroit. Traders with their squaw wives settled near
the fort. Within a few years there were
almost 6,000 Indians gathered there.
Although the events at detroit happened far
away from Bluffton, the repercussions were felt all along the Fox Valley. In 1710 Cadillac, in an effort to control the
Fox, invited these war-like tribesmen (along with other Indians from the Green
Bay area) to come and live near Detroit.
After they arrived, Cadillac was sent to Louisiana as governor. The new commandant, Joseph Guyon Dubuisson,
did not have Cadillac's ability to deal with the Indians.
During the winter of 1711-1712 a band of
Mascoutins along the St. Joseph River were attacked by the Ottawa. The Fox, Mascoutin allies, attacked the
Ottawa and Hurons in revenge. The
Detroit commandant allowed the Ottawa and Hurons refuge in the French
fort. The Fox then hastily built their
own stockade. With the Fox were
Mascoutins and some Sauks. There were,
in all, more than a thousand Indians, of which three hundred were warriors and
the rest were women and children. While
these Indians were troublesome yet they made no assault nor took any lives.
In May the crudely palisated camp of the
Fox was assaulted by the French aided by Potawatomis, Menomonees, Illinois,
Missouris and other remote tribes. The
Fox Chief, Pamoussa, offered to surrender to Dubuisson, saying, "My
father, I come to you to demand life. It
is no longer ours. You are the masters
of it. All the nations have abandoned
us. But do not believe that I am afraid
to die. It is the life of our women and
children that I ask of you." He
spoke for the Mascoutins as well as the Fox; the Sauks had deserted them.
Dubuisson confessed afterward that he had
been touched with pity but asserted that war and pity do not agree. He understood that they were paid by the English,
and he wanted an example to strike terror in the British and in the Indians.
After a ninetten day seige, the Fox, nearly
famished, attempted to escape by stealing out on a dark rainy night. They were pursued and many were slain. After they were forced to surrender, their
Indian captors divided the women and children making slaves of them. The victors gave no quarter to the captured
warriors and amused themselves by shooting five or six daily. In the end their
chief Pamoussa escaped with only about a hundred warriors. The power of the Fox was not destroyed as
only a part of the tribe was there. An
estimated four hundred warriors were at Green Bay with others scattered in
different places. Those that survived
were more furious than ever.
The Fox, Sauk, Kickapoo and Mascoutin
Indians formed a military alliance at Green Bay. In the Fox Valley they left no Frenchman or
French-allied Indian in peace. The
hunted tribesmen complained to the French that they were starving because they
dared not hunt in the forests for fear of the vengeful Fox. No person was allowed to pass the
Fox-Wisconsin waterway lest they furnish fire-arms to Fox enemies. The fur trade was effectively driven north to
the Lake Superior route or south to the Illinois River-Chicago River-Lake
Michigan route. Western traders were
thus exposed to the perils of canoe trips the whole length of Lake Superior or
of Lake Michigan.
The French governor, Marquis de Vaudreuil,
felt that the friendly tribes must be protected or the trade would be
lost. Much of it was already going to
the British. Contrary to the advice of
Perrot and others, The French authorities felt that nothing short of
extermination of the Fox tribe would relieve the situation.
Fort Macinac was built in 1715 and on March
14th, 1716, a large expeditionary force of about 425 French and several hundred
Indians started for Green Bay led by Louis de Louvigny. Composed of soldiers, militia and Indians,
equipped with mortars and small ammunition, this was the first white armed force
to invade Wisconsin. They laid seige to
the Fox stockade near Little Lake Butte des Morts. When the Indians pleaded for a truce, de
Louvigny gave them honorable terms, requiring that the rebels pay for the war
by hunting beaver for the French. Besides
hunting furs for the French they agreed to make peace with all the tribes
friendly to the French, to give up all prisoners held by them, to give six
chiefs or sons of chiefs as hostages to guarantee their future good behavior,
and to cede their territory to the French king.
To save expense the French who joined this
expedition had been allowed to bring trade goods with them to bargain with the
Indians. Among these goods were forty
barrels of brandy. After their victory,
when the French and Indians of the expedition camped together, some barrels
were broken open and "hell was thrown open." But in October de Louvigny reached Quebec
with his six hostages. The Fox did not
keep the terms of this agreement.
In 1717 to show French conquest and the
re-opening of the Fox-Wisconsin trade route, a fort was built at Green
Bay. For a time the show of power by the
French seemed to have the desired effect.
in 1718 some of the Fox chiefs visited Montreal and renewed their
submission to the French. Though the conditions
de Louvigny asked had not been fulfilled, Governor Vaudreuil accepted their
submissions and the hostages were released.
In 1724 a great council was held at Green
Bay for the purpose of making peace between the Indians and the French. Fox, Sauks and Winnebagoes took part. A truce was agreed upon, but it had not
included the Illinois Indians. June 7,
1726 a second council was held in which a general peace was agreed.
But treaties were not strong enough to
control Fox tempers. Long-standing enemies
of the Fox had too many old scores to pay to resist opportunities to repay
them, and the Fox would again retaliate.
But the French hesitated to act.
If they failed to entirely subdue or exterminate them, disasterous
consequences might follow.
The Fox under their chief Kiala formed an
alliance against the French. The
alliance included not only their long-time allies the Kickapoos, Sauks and
Mascoutins, but other tribes including the Winnebago, Abnaki, Seneca, Missouri,
Oto, Iowa and Sioux. Kiala, like Pontiac
and Tecumseh who later attempted similar plans, hoped for a pan-Indian union
against the French which would lead to utter annihilation of the French.
In 1727 the French governor was informed
that the Fox, responding to messages from the English, had promised to kill all
the French in their territory. Whether
or not the Fox had in fact promised to kill all the French is hard to tell, but
to counteract the rumor Governor Charles de Beauharnois authorized an
expedition under Constant de Lignery, which left Montreal in June, 1728.
There was some incompetency in the
leadership of this expedition of four hundred Frenchmen and close to a thousand
Indians. It was expected to move quickly
in order to surprise the Fox, yet they stayed at Mackinac for ten days. When, on the 15th of August, they landed
among the Menomonees, who had always been French allies, the French
"provoked" them into a fight and "entirely defeated" them. The next day they camped at the mouth of a
river that their Indians might hunt for fresh meat. Yet, after these delays, they halted from
noon unti evening in order to "surprise" the Fox by night. When they surrounded the village at midnight,
they found only four people there, one Fox and three Winnebagoes.
The next village they came to belonged to
the Winnebagoes. It was deserted. Though the expedition was against the Fox
tribe only, they destroyed the village and the corn growing near it. As they passed up the Fox River, they burned
several deserted, or nearly deserted, Fox villages. They destroyed every Indian dwelling and
growing crop they found. Somewhere on
the river at or above Lake Butte des Morts the soldiers refused to go any
further.
The force then returned to Macinac. As they passed through Green Bay they burned
the fort there. The missionaries and
military men stationed there accompanied them back to Fort Macinac leaving a
lone trader at Green Bay during the winter of 1728-1729. The reason given for destroying the fort was
that the garrison there would most likely be too weak to defend it against the
Fox who would understandably be irritated by the destruction of their villages
and crops. De Lignery had trouble
explaining the destruction of the fort to the governor. The governor had much more trouble trying to explain
it to the king.
The Fox soon returned and enforced their
tariff more arrogantly than before. Even
though de Lignery's expedition was not successful, Kiala's confedercy began to
fall apart. The arrogance,
treacherousness and quarrelsomeness of the Fox Indians made them disagreeable
to the other tribes. The Sioux, their
traditional enemy, were watched by the French and no longer gave the Fox
refuge, as they had done for a while.
The French even persuaded the Mascoutins and Kickapoo, old Fox allies,
to turn against them.
There was little activity in the Bluffton
area. Traffic on the nearby Fox River
was greatly reduced. While the Fox tribe
controlled the area, driving away traders, adventurers and other hunters, they
apparently did not have villages in the vicinity. They continued to have their main village
along the Fox River just below the outlet of Lake Winnebago, though they most
likely hunted the Bluffton region periodically.
CHAPTER 15
NEAR EXTERMINATION OF THE FOXES
Conflicts with other tribes reduced the
number of Fox. In May, 1730, a Fox party
of buffalo hunters was attacked by Ottawas, Chippewas, Menomonees and
Winnegagoes. Eighty Fox warriors and
three hundred women and children were killed.
In late summer of the same year a French and Indian army under Sieur de
Villiers, commander at St. Joseph, Illinois, killed two hundred Fox warriors
and six hundred of their women and children.
At Starved Rock nine hundred men and women were destroyed.
There is an interesting story that rests on
tradition not credited by all historians.
It is the story told to his grandson (August Grignon) by Charles de
Langlade of events which happened in his lifetime. The main event took place at the outlet of
Lake Winnebago. Between the mainland and
Doty Island is a channel known at that time as the Winnebago Rapids. The current through this half mile or more
channel was too strong for paddling so canoes had to be poled or hauled up
through it. West of the mouth of this
channel the Fox had their principal village.
Here it was convenient for the Fox to watch for approaching canoes and
extract their tolls.
The story goes that after one of Captain
Paul Marin's men had been killed at this place for resisting Fox exactions, he
(Marin) resolved to put an end to Fox tributes.
He raised a volunteer force at Macinac and Green Bay of traders,
voyageurs and friendly Indians. One
tradition is that a large number of Menomonees accompanied him. It is said that he sent a boat ahead with a
large supply of brandy, with orders to let the Fox plunder it without
resistence. If true, they were probably
drunk when attacked. Marin's force was
divided. Part went around to the Fox
village by land. The rest were concealed
in canoes, covered with tarpaulins made of oiled skins used to protect cargoes
from storms. They had firearms loaded
and ready to use. Two voyageurs paddled
each canoe. When the Fox put out a
torch, the usual signal to land and pay tribute, the canoes approached the
shore, the tarpaulins were thrown off, the armed men rose up and emptied their
guns into the astonished Fox. A swivel
gun in one of the canoes sent a charge of grape and canister shot among
them. Then the flanking party closed in,
firing as rapidly as they could reload their muskets. It was estimated that more than a thousand
out fifteen hundred Fox perished. The
survivors fled up the Fox River.
Some time in the same season Marin attacked
them at their new camp. A battle was
fought--probably with more fighting and less slaughter than the previous
one. Again the Fox fled after
considerable loss. The survivors located on the northern bank of the Wisconsin
about 21 miles from its mouth.
When Marin learned of their new location,
he organized a winter expedition. His
men traveled on foot about two hundred miles up the Fox and down the Wisconsin,
carrying snowshoes for use if they were needed.
So unexpected was his attack that he found the few warriors there engaged
in an amusement known as "jeu de paille," the game of straw. He surrounded and came upon them
suddenly. Some were killed, others
surrendered. There remained only about
twenty warriors and a large number of women and children. They were released on condition that they go
and remain beyond the Mississippi River.
There is no official account of this
campaign; the year it occurred is unknown.
It is believed that it took place soon after the severe Fox losses
suffered from de Villiers in 1730 if not before.
In May 1730 Joseph Guyon Dubuisson,
commander at Macinac, was ready with four hundred men to start an expedition
against the Foxes when Paul Marin arrived.
Marin and nine men with him joined Dubuisson's troops. The Fox were severely defeated by them.
Dubuisson was censured because his
expedition had been without orders from higher authorities. He was related to Marin; probably he was an
uncle to Marin's wife. It may have been
that, to protect Dubuisson, Marin took responsibility for the resounding defeat
of the Foxes at Butte des Morts in 1730, thus giving rise to the unofficial
story related previously.
In the autumn of 1732 Detroit Indian allies
of the French attacked the Fox village on the Wisconsin near the mouth of the
Kickapoo River. Three hundred Fox men,
women and children were massacred. A
party of survivors went to Green Bay to sue for mercy. Among them was Chief Kiala. In 1733 he and three other chiefs gave
themselves up, asking for mercy for themselves and the fifty surviving braves. The French Commander, Nicholas-Antoine Coulon
de Villiers accepted and took his prisoners to Montreal. He was ordered to return, kill off the rest
of the Fox warriors, and take only women and children as prisoners. These were to be sold into slavery. Kiala was sold and ended his days in
Martinique, one of the West Indies.
De Villiers returned to the Sauk village at
Green Bay demanding the Fox remnant who had taken refuge there. In the subsequent battle de Villiers was
killed by a 12 year old Sauk boy who later became famed as the Sauk Chief
Blackbird. The French, Sauk and Fox all
lost heavily.
This battle combined with the devastating
reduction of Fox population resulted in the Fox and Sauk nations uniting,
becoming one tribe for all practical purposes.
They fled west of the Mississippi.
Gradually their numbers increased as Fox prisoners were released by
tribes now secretly in sympathy for the harassed Fox.
Some chiefs of western tribes sought mercy
for their Fox and Sauk allies. Governor
Charles de Beauharnois sent Paul Marin to make peace and urge them to return to
their Green Bay habitat. Through his
conciliation the Fox wars were brought to an end. On October 16, 1737, Beauharnois announced
peace had been established with the Sauks and Fox. In 1742 the French distributed presents to
the Sauks and Fox whom they had tried to destroy.
In avoiding the Fox-Wisconsin passageway
traders explored and developed the other routes through the "French
Crescent" to a greater extent than they would have done otherwise. If we reckon the Fox War as beginning from
the destruction of the St. Frances mission at De Pere in 1687 and ending in
1737 when Beauharnois announced peace, it lasted 50 years. Half a century of such fighting had weakened
the power of the French and had almost exterminated the Fox tribe. The Fox wanted to have complete control of
all and grab the trader's profits for themselves. They had failed to drive the French out and
they failed to take control of the fur trade.
But the blow they gave the French was a great aid in the undermining of
French power in North America. Without
this weakening of the French, the English might not have driven them from the
continent, and the American revolution might have been vastly different.
During the Fox War Bluffton was indeed a
part of a "dark and bloody ground" where no one was safe or could
live in peace, neither red nor white.
They dared not rest there, revel in her beauty or live on her bounty.
CHAPTER 16
ENGLISH SUPREMACY
The French had discovered and explored the
Fox River Valley. They were well
acquainted with the Puckyan and Green Lake.
For years they controlled the fur trade from this area. But English traders were casting covetous
eyes on it. When Dongan was governor of
New York he made claims (based on concessions from the Iroquois) to lands
extending to the Mississippi Valley.
When Dongan was recalled, the claims were temporarily discontinued. The Iroquois, however, found much profit in
acting as middlemen between the English traders and the tribes of the upper
Great Lakes, especially the Fox who controlled the Bluffton area.
The English gave the Indians better prices
for their furs and paid in better quality of goods. The easy allegiance of the Indians to the
French was not strong enough to overcome the better bargains. For eight pounds of gunpowder the Indians
paid the British one beaver skin, compared with four beaver skins they had to
pay the French. For a blanket they paid
the British one beaver skin, compared with two to the French, and for a gun two
beaver skins compared to five.
The frequent blocking of the Fox-Wisconsin
route to the Mississippi had driven French traders nearer the English colonists
who were moving into the Ohio Valley.
As the Indians became more acquainted with
the variety and quality of European goods they were also expanding their range
of wants. They had lost their primitive
skills and needed the white man's wares.
They had no care at all which European nation furnished their needed
merchandise.
British naval superiority greatly reduced
the amount of French trade goods arriving on this continent and raised their
price. The French counteracted by
sending out a military expedition to stake out a claim to the Ohio Valley. It was the beginning of the war to determine
the North American supremacy of France of Britain. In 1756 they declared war on each other.
The Fox River Valley was too remote from
the hostilities in the "French and Indian War" to see any of its
action. One significant fact was that
Marin, commander at Fort St. Francis at Green Bay, and the brother of the
governor made 312,000 francs in a very short time manipulating the fur trade
and the king's purse.
The surrender of Vaudreuil to Amherst
included a few small cities along the St. Lawrence and a number of scattered
and isolated posts in the wilderness. In
September, 1761, the English Captain George Etherington with a small garrison
took possession of Macinac. The next month
in October Captain Balfour and Lieutenant James Gorrell entered La Baye and
took possession of Fort St. Francis, a deserted post, with not even a trader or
Indian on hand. Captain Balfour remained
long enough to raise the British flag over the fort and re-christen it Fort
Edward August in honor of King George's brother. He soon departed leaving Lieutenant Gorrel
with a garrison of one sergeant, one corporal and fifteen soldiers to guard and
protect all the region from Green Bay to the Mississippi River.
In the Treaty of Paris ratified in 1763
France ceded to England her land east of the Mississippi, including
Bluffton. Upon ratification of this
treaty Voltaire congratulated King Louis XV on having gotten rid of "fifteen
hundred leagues of snow." (A league
was about two and a half miles.) France
gave to England a vast empire reaching from the Arctic to the Gulf of Mexico.
Though the Indians were vitally afffected
by the handing over of their territory, they had neither been consulted nor
considered. They believed that their
great father, the king of France, had been sleeping to let the English overcome
him and that he would yet awake and drive the hated English from the lands of
his Indian children. The French
residents were given the option of departing or submitting to British
rule. This did not greatly affect the
Bluffton area as there were no known permanent white residents west of Lake
Michigan. At Detroit, Macinac and
especially in the Illinois country, French population diminished. Many crossed the Mississippi where they could
still be residents of a French colony, but when Louisiana was ceded to Spain
they had no further opportunity to live under French rule on the American
Continent. Under British rule the French
traders were given the same privileges they enjoyed under their own previous
government. Also the British traders
found it to their advantage to form partnerships with the more experienced
French traders.
The Green Bay trading center supplied the
Menomonees who resided near by, the Winnebagoes who then lived around Lake
Winnebago and the upper Fox River, the Sauks who lived on the Wisconsin River,
the Fox remnant who lived near or with the Sauks, and the Sioux who lived on
the upper Mississippi River. Lieutenant
James Gorrell estimated that 39,000 warriors, not counting women and children,
depended on Green Bay for their supplies.
Lieutenant Gorrell is an example of the
right man in the right place at the right time.
He bent all his energies toward peace and friendship with the
Indians. He assembled the chiefs in
council, made speeches and gave them presents.
Along the Fox Valley his diplomatic treatment of the Indians, and the
fact that the Sauk, Fox, Winnebago and Menomonee tribes still held some
resentment against the French, brought these tribes over to the English. Cheaper trade goods and promises of medals
also helped.
This loyalty to the British was important
in 1763 when Pontiac, chief of an Ottawa tribe, led a widespread uprising. Pontiac was well suited to lead his race in
the desperate struggle against the encroaching domination of the hated
whites. He had a superior intelligence
and a noble character or purpose in life, but these qualities were combined
with cunning, trickery and sneaky treachery.
Like Kiala had a generation earlier, he planned to unite the Algonquin
tribes, drive all the British and the colonists into the sea, and bring back
the Indian's right to determine their own affairs.
Chippewa Indians took Fort Macinac by
trickery. June 4th was the king's
birthday and was to be suitably celebrated.
The Chippewas requested permission to play an Indian game of La Crosse
with some Sauks who were there. Captain
George Etherington granted his permission and proposed to bet on the
Chippewas. They played on the level
space in front of the fort.
Etherington had ignored warnings from
traders who felt an uneasiness among the tribes. He believed instead the solemn pledges of
those chiefs who were plotting against him.
Seemingly accidentally, the Indians purposefully sent the ball over the
palisades into the fort. The players
then rushed after the ball, at the same time seizing weapons from the Indian
women who had concealed the arms under their blankets while watching the
game. Many of the people in the fort
were massacred before they could defend themselves. The rest were taken prisoner.
Captain Etherington and Lieutenant Leslie
were outside the fort watching the game when they were seized and made
prisoners. The Chippewas took them into
the forest and prepared to burn them at stakes.
Before the torch was applied Charles de Langlade, a half-breed, appeared
with friendly Indians (probably Ottawas) and cut the cords that bound the two
Englishmen.
This action of Langlade broke the spirit of
the Chippewas to war for Pontiac.
Tradition states that their incantations before the outbrak had revealed
to them that for success it was necessary to sacrifice the officers of the
first post captured. When they were
prevented from offering this sacrifice they believed they were doomed to
failure and did not respond when Pontiac sent messengers to the Chippewas
urging them to come help capture Detroit.
Fort Edward August at Green Bay was
probably saved from a similar fate by the loyalty of the Menomonee, who were
friendly to both French and English.
They never shared the hatred which many of the tribes held against the
English. Fox, Sauk and Winnebago Indians
also refused to take part in Pontiac's uprising. The timely arrival of some Sioux, the
traditional enemies of the Chippewas also helped.
On June 15th an Ottawa messenger brought a
letter from Captain Etherington to Lt. Gorrel at Fort Edward Augustus. In it he told of his misfortunes and ordered
Lt. Gorrel and his whole garrison to report to him at L'Arbor Croche, twenty
miles from Macinac. Gorrel abandoned the Green Bay fort, hastening to the
assisstance of Etherington and Fort Macinac's other wretched survivors. With the aid of 90 Indians from the friendly
Wisconsin tribes, he secured their release from the Chippewas. The party then retrated to Montreal. The British did not again occupy Wisconsin
militarily until the War of 1812.
Upon learning that the French had made
peace with the English (The Treaty of Paris) Pontiac gave up the seige of
Detroit. The English began to re-occupy
posts that had been taken over by Indians but they did not send another
garrison to Fort Edward August.
Immediately after the treaty with France in
1763 the king of England issued a proclamation.
It forbid governors of the colonies and provinces to grant any warrants
for survey or pass any patents for lands beyond the head waters of the rivers
which flow into the Atlantic, or for any land which had not been purchased by,
or ceded to, the King. This
consideration for Indian land titles had not been shown earlier in colonial
life. It established a policy, which was
continued by the United States, of extinguishing Indian titles before surveying
or granting lands.
When the fort at Macinac was rebuilt in
1764 it became the seat of Wisconsin's fur trade. There was no other fort northwest of Detroit
manned by government officers and Indian agents. The Indians had become so dependent on trade
that any interference with its flow created great hardship on them. The trade was controlled by Montreal
investors, mostly English, but the actual traders were mostly French.
When on Septemger 18, 1766, Captain
Jonathan Carver arrived in Green Bay, there was no garrison, only a few
families living in fort Edward Augustus and a few settlers on the east side of
the Fox River.
Peace and tranquility reigned in
Bluffton. Some canoes passed up and down
the river, and the songs of light hearted voyageurs were heard as they
collected furs for the few traders at Green Bay, where the only people were
those in the fur trade.
When the revolutionary War broke out, the
cruel and savage warfare that raged along the western fringe of the English
colonies was so remote that it produced no effect in the Fox Valley. It was half a century after Gorrell abandoned
it before a flag again flew over the garrison at Green Bay. Then it was the Stars and Stripes.
CHAPTER 17
THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR
The Bluffton area was not a part of any of
the colonies, so sisnce 1763 it was without any non-Indian government except
that of the military at Macinac.
In 1774 the English parliament enacted the
Quebec Act. It abolished representative
government in that province, vesting the power, including that of taxation, in
the governor and council; and it extended the boundaries of that province so as
to include the territory northwest of the Ohio River. Thus Bluffton was put under the direct
control of the Quebec government--a government allowing no representation but
having the power to tax.
The Atlantic colonies reacted
violently. The hated Quebec Act was one
of the precipitating causes of the American Revolution.
Virginia, under various charters which she
held from the crown, claimed she had rightful jurisdiction over all the
Northwest Territory which had been attached to Quebec. Patrick Henry, then governor of Virginia, and
his council, commissioned George Rogers Clark to raise a force and occupy the
Illinois Country as the Northwest Territory was called. In 1778 he crossed the Ohio River at night,
found the gates of Fort Kaskaskia open and unguarded, and took possession
without bloodshed. Virginia soon established
the County of Illinois and appointed a commandant for that region. Virginia was laying claim to an area
including Bluffton.
Wisconsin Indians did not participate
strongly in the American Revolution.
They were too disinterested in the white man's war to be very eager to
make long trips east to aid the British.
No fighting was done around Green Bay or in the Fox Valley.
Trading continued during the Revolutionary
War. The Indians felt that their
territory was safe from seizure by British traders who had no interest in farm
land; whereas the American frontiersmen, bringing families and household goods,
were a threat to Indian lands and life.
Both sides wooed the Indians whose loyalty often wavered but generally
sided with those who brought them goods and ammunition. As Canada was in a better position to import
supplies, it was the British who could supply their needs the best.
In 1780 there was a large store of peltries
in Prairi du Chien belonging to traders at Green Bay and Macinac. There was only a small force protecting
them. It was feared that Americans would
ascend the Mississippi and raid them. A
special rescue expeditin recovered 300 packs (all their canoes could carry,)
and burned the remaining sixty packs to prevent their falling into enemy
hands. The Americans arrived at Prairie
du Chien five days after the expedition left for Macinac going up the Wisconsin
River and down the Fox River past the mouth of the Puckyan.
In 1783 while the treaty was being
negotiated to establlish the independence of the United States, the sovereinty
of Spain over all the country west of the Mississippi was acknowledged. Spain was at war with England and hoped to
acquire that part of the old French province of Louisiana that was east of the
Mississippi. France had guaranteed
United States independence and those two countries agreed not to conclude peace
with England until they both did. During
negotiations France tried to aid Spain in limiting the western boundaries of
the United states to the headquarters of rivers flowing to the Atlantic.
Some Spaniards from west of the Mississippi
even went so far as to gain the good will of the Indians that they sent an
agent with a wampum belt to the motley band at Milwaukee. A Spanish force at one time crossed from St.
Louis and took possession of St. Joseph on Lake Michigan. Had Spain succeeded in her designs, Bluffton,
the Fox River Valley and all of the Northwest might have become Spanish
territory.
The Treaty of Paris in 1783 established the
northern boundary of the United states through the middle of the Great Lakes
and connecting rivers. Thus the Fox
Valley with the territory north and west of the Ohio River became a territory
of the United States. This was achieved
by diplomacy rather than arms. British Americans
could not understand why this territory, held continuously by Britain until the
very end, was ceded, nor why there were no provisions made for the
Indians. Indian agents and military
officers found it hard to explain to both white and red men why Britain had
abandoned them.
British commanders loosely interpreted the treaty promise to evacuate
their posts "with all convenient speed." Fur trade interests were not easily given up. That trade continued with no outward sign
that the ownership of the vast territory was conveyed.
In August, 1786, the British held an Indian
council at Macinac. Members of the
Winnebago tribe attended as well as representatives of Potawatomi, Sauk, Fox,
Sioux, Menominee and branches of the Chippewa and Ottawa tribes. Besides agreeing to keep the peace and honor
the trading agreements, they promised to acknowledge the King of England as
their ruler. Gifts given the Indians at
this time were expensive, but it was money well spent, because for the next
twenty years there was very little trouble among the Indians of the Northwest,
or between Indians and whites.
In 1795 Jay's Treaty was ratified. It provided for the British to withdraw from
all border posts, finally surrendering them to the United States. All traders and settlers were to continue
holding their poperty unmolested.
American citizens, British subjects and Indians were free to pass from
and to the territories of the others.
American forces now held the forts, but British post commanders and
Indian agents simply moved across the border: from Macinac Island to St.
Joseph's Island 40 miles away, and from Detroit to Amherstburg across the
river. They continued to control the fur
trade by holding Indian councils and supplying gifts.
Macinac was not occupied by an American
garrison until 1796. Green Bay was not
garrisoned at all--neither by English or Americans. The quiet Valley of the Fox was not disturbed
by the fierce struggle over the terms of Jay's Treaty. Furs taken from the Bluffton area continued
to pass down the Fox River through British hands to Europe.
CHAPTER 18
THE NORTHWEST ORDINANCE OF 1787
After the Revolutionary War there was a
push from the original states to settle the western frontier. In 1780 Virginia set up a land office in
Kentucky. It was flooded with prospective
settlers and land speculators. The
Continental Congress was anxious to control the West north of the Ohio
River. It desperately needed money and
wanted to sell land there to obtain it.
It had never had a chance to get any land south of the Ohio. When Virginia offered to cede land claims
north of the Ohio with reserves for veterans but no other strings, Congress
accepted. Other state claims to western
land were also settled (1784-1785.) By
these state cessions the United States became a colonial power. Congress came face to face with Western
questions which had been debated and decided in London before the War. Should white settlement of the Indian country
be supported or hindered? In what
ways? Should Congress plan for a long
colonial status to protect the Indians and fur traders, or should it abandon
the Indians?
By 1784 the Continental Congress reached
its lowest point. When it was run out of
Philadelphia it moved to Princeton in June of 1783, to Annapolis in November of
that year, to Trenton in 1783 and a year later to New York where it stayed
until the confederacy faded out. Yet
during this time it passed a series of ordinancres vitally affecting Wisconsin
and Bluffton.
In 1780 the basic principle was
established--that any lands ceded to the Confederacy of the United States would
be settled, developed into distinct republican states, and become members of
the Federal Union.
The Territorial Ordinance of 1784 was
drafted by Thomas Jefferson and resulted from Virginia's land cession. In it each United States Territory was
promised its own territorial government and eventual statehood.
On May 20, 1785, Congress adopted the
principle of rectangular survey of public land prior to sale. Land was to be surveyed into townships six
miles square, each consisting of 36 sections of 640 acres, each section one
mile square. Section 16 in each township
was reserved for the maintenance of public schools. After being surveyed land must be sold at
public auctions, even-numbered townships by sections and off-numbered townships
as a whole.
By 1787 four ranges of townships beginning
at the western boundary of Pennsylvania had been surveyed and were ready for
sale. The Ohio Company proposed to buy
1,500,000 acres for a dollar an acre in continental currency. Congress needed the money desperately. It had fallen so low that the number
necessary to do business was seldom present, but the prospect of securing money
induced enough members to attend early in July, 1787, to make a quorum of eight
states. Nathan Dane of Massachusetts
drafted the Territorial or Northwest Ordinance that had been asked for by the
Ohio Company as a prerequisite for its purchase. On July 13, by a vote of eight states,
represented by only eighteen men, the Continental Congress passed this vital
ordinance. It set the fundamental
principles of the American system of admitting states to the Union which was
followed even through the admission of Alaska and Hawaii. It provided for a territorial assembly under
a governor appointed by Congress as soon as a district had a population of
5,000 free souls. Statehood was promised
when a district attained 60,000 people.
A bill of rights was established "as articles of compact between
the original states and the people and states in the said territory,"
forever to remain inalterable.
While the Continental Congress was passing
the Northwest Ordinance in New York, the Constitutional Convention was meeting
in Philadelphia. On July 13, 1787, the
Constitution was signed and sent to Congress.
On September 28 Congress sent it to the states for ratification. On June 21, 1788, New Hampshire became the
ninth state to ratify the Constitution and caused it to become effective. Thus the Northwest Ordinance became effective
before the United States Constitution.
Although the authority of the Continental
Congress to legislate for the West was doubtful, both state and federal courts
have held that the Northwest Ordinance is still superior to all constitutions
and laws subsequently passed by the states created from the Northwest territory
(Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin.)
This ordinance laid down basic principles
which have endured. It established the
precepts of the free state, the free church, and the free school for the
Northwest Territory and the states formed from it. Its sixth article, abolishing slavery within
their borders, in substance became the thirteenth amendment to the United
States constitution in 1865. It was
essentially the source of the Wisconsin constitution whose ant-slavery clause
was taken directly from it. It
established equal rights of inheritance by abolishing primogeniture and entail.
Bluffton and all other Northwest areas had
been bequeathed an inheritance rich in ideals, a blueprint for a model
government.
CHAPTER 19
FOX VALLEY INDIANS IN THE EIGHTEENTH
CENTURY
Much had happened to Wisconsin's Indians
during the eighteenth century. The Fox
and Sauks had been expelled from the Fox Valley and were living east of the
Mississippi and north of the Wisconsin River.
The long and bloody Fox Wars were hard on the other tribes as well as
the Fox. Except for the Menomonee,
eastern Wisconsin's population had been greatly reduced. The Sioux had been forced to surrender most
of their Wisconsin terrritory to the Chippewa.
The Potawatomi who had been decimated by smallpox lived near St. Joseph
at the south end of Lake Michigan. The
Ottawas lived north of them in the Michigan peninsula. The Kickapoo and Mascoutins had moved to the
mouth of the Rock River and to other parts of Illinois and Indiana. Some of the Menomonees had moved down from
the Menomonee River to the vicinity of Green Bay.
The Menomonees were strong, energetic
people and their warriors brave, but they were noted for their peaceful
disposition. They had a tradition that
all the Wisconsin tribes except theirs joined in the conspiracy of
Pontiac. Their complexion was several shades
lighter than the other Algonquin tribes, and their dialect differed greatly. From the beginning they were friendly with
the white men. Even the attack on them
made by de Lignery's expedition did not produce a permanent estrangement. They, almost alone, were not guilty of
treachery toward their white friends.
Except for the Miamis who lived with the Mascoutins, the Menomonees were
the most intelligent of the tribes among whom Fathers Allouez and Andre
worked. By the end of the eighteenth
century they and the Winnebagoes were the only tribes remaining on the Fox
River.
The Winnebagoes had moved up the river
before de Lignery's expedition in 1728.
They settled in the vicinity of Lake Winnebnago and south of it. There were villages of them at Doty's Island,
at Garlic Island (Island Park), Black Wolf (six or seven miles south of
Oshkosh) and Taycheedah. They also had
villages at Green Lake and Lake Puckaway.
They claimed as their territory the whole Fox Valley above the outlet of
Lake Winnebago (including Bluffton) and as far south as the Milwaukee River at
West Bend. By the end of the century
they claimed territory along the Wisconsin River and most of southwest
Wisconsin.
Wisconsin natives had reached a
"pan-Indian" civilization.
Cultural differences, especially economic ones, between tribes were
greatly reduced. The trade items that
they wanted had expanded over the previous century. They now wanted guns with enlarged trigger
guards, steel traps and hatchets, saws, nails, augers, mills to grind corn and
burning glasses. While they still used
stone pipes for ceremonial rites, they wanted clay pipes for other
occassions. They imported tobacco. Many of their clothes and blankets were made
from European goods. Horses had been
obtained and they wanted silver bits, bridles and other horse gear. Silver ornaments such as armbands,
neck-pieces, earrings, pins, cradle ornaments and gun decorations were in
demand.
One common characteristic which continued
in spite of the variety of goods available was the Indian indifference to
acquiring wealth (goods) beyond immediate need. The aggressive traders who wanted the Indians
to collect more furs interpreted this as lazyness. This was a major reason why some traders
introduced liquor which became a common commodity in the fur trade. Indians addicted to alcohol produced more
furs than those who hunted only to make a living. Addiction to it was wide-spread among both
whites and Indians. A late eighteenth
century minister claimd that New England rum had killed more Indians than their
wars and sickness, and that it did not spare white people, especially when made
into flip. Flip was rum mixed with a
small beer and muscovado sugar (an unrefined sugar obtained from the juice of
sugarcane by evaporation and draining off the molasses.) Indian leaders frequently protested against
liquor being urged upon their people.
The practice was also condemned by Indian agents, religious leaders and
others concerned with Indians and their affairs, but the practice continued.
The traditional life of the Indians moved
with the seasons. Winter was the time
for hunting; spring was the time to plant corn, squash, melons, beans and other
vegetables; summer was the time to gather for social and religious
celebrations, to travel and to trade; fall was the time to gather wild rice,
dry berries and harvst their vegetables.
Fur traders relied upon them for much of their food, buying their wild
rice, dried venison, bear's grease, honey and other food stuffs.
CHAPTER 20
THE WINNEBAGO INDIANS
After the Fox and Sauk tribes had been
expelled from the Fox River Valley it was occupied by the Winnebagoes. They used the Puckyan River to travel to and
from their village on Green Lake. Their
tribe had changed greatly since the advent of the white man.
When the French first visited Wisconsin
they found Winnebagoes living near Green Bay.
At that time they had very few tools with which to work--bows and
arrows, a fire-starter worked with a bow, and natural objects for scraping and
cutting. These natural artifacts were of
clay, shell, bone, wood, antlers or turtle claws. Few objects were made of stone. They had no iron tools, and did not make
their own stone arrow heads or axes, but used those made by Algonquin
tribes. If they found a sharp stone or
arrow head it was considered sacred and they offered tobacco to their manitou
for it.
Their bows were simple, consisting of
sticks with ends made pointed by rubbing them on stones. The bowstring was made of sinew. They had five types of arrows: (1) a bird
arrow made entirely of wood, usually hickory; (2) a rabbit (small mammal) arrow
also made of wood; (3) a deer (large mammal) arrow made of wood with a turtle
claw head attached; (4) an arrow with a fragment of flint attached as an
arrowhead, used in battle; and (5) an arrow which was merely a pointed stick
also used in battle.
Fishing was done by spearing or
shooting. The spear was a long stick
with a bone or horn point attached.
Spearing was often done at night with light provided by pine pitch
torches. In shooting fish a regular bow
was used with a long arrowlike stick pointed at the tip and frayed at the
base. They also trapped fish with a
triangular weir held in place by a stone at the base. This was placed at the head of a waterfall
resulting from building a dam in a stream.
In their permanent villages the Winnebagoes
raised corn, squash and beans. Corn was
planted in small circular mounds arranged in rows.
In addition to their vegetable garden they
had small fields of tobacco which they regarded as very sacred. Sacred gourds were also grown in their
tobacco fields. These gourds were dried
and shaken rhythmically at religious ceremonies.
In the fall men, women and children all
went out in parties picking berries, especially cranberries and whortleberries,
which they dried.
From the Menomonee they learned to make
canoes and to gather wild rice by paddling into standing stalks and beating
them with sticks. The Fox River from its
source to Lake Winnebago was very productive of this grain.
The wild rice has a tough hull which must
be removed before it can be eaten. The
Winnebagoes did this by curing the grain on a rack of lattice work with a very
slow fire built under it. When the hulls
were dry and brittle they were threshed by pouring the grain on a rush mat or
deerskin spread on the ground. Along
three sides a screen of similar material was erected. On the open side the man used a straight
stick in each hand and flailed it until the grain was released from the
hulls. Then the women winnowed it by
pouring it from a height upon a skin or mat.
Shelled corn was steamed by digging a hole
in the ground, putting in red hot stones, then a layer of husks, the corn and
then another layer of husks. Four holes
were made in the husks into which four pails of water were poured. The whole was covered with a thick layer of
earth and left overnight. In the morning
the corn was entirely cooked.
Squash had the skin and seeds removed, was
cut into strips and dried. Fruits
including berries were also dried.
Various roots were gathered and eaten, especially wild potatoes.
Meats were broiled either on stakes, over a
rack, or under hot ashes. They were very
fond of soups made from meat with vegetables or berries. Other Winnebago dishes were: dried corn
boiled with bear's ribs; jerked meat with bear's fat; and dried corn boiled
with fruit.
Shells of various kinds and sizes were used
for eating. A few wood utensils were
made by burning maple knots, a very tedious process. Sticks were used for knives. Clay cooking pots were made from a special
blue clay found near Green Bay. It was
mixed with shell fragments, glue from sturgeon vertebrae and gelatin obtained
from the horns of deer. The fresh clay
mixture was shaped by the hands, or in holes dug in the ground to the desired
shape and size. The pots were then dried
over a slow fire.
Skins were tanned by scraping off the hair
and flesh, and soaking the skin in a mixture of deer's brains and water for
some time. Then the skin was thoroughly
washed and rubbed with a wooden implement while it dried in order to make it
pliable. After that it was sewed into a
cylindrical shape, and tied at the top.
It was suspended from a stick angled over a shallow hole. A very slow fire was built in the hole, and
the bottom edge of the skin was fastened to the ground around the edge of the
hole. It was the women who did the
tanning.
The tribe changed greatly after their first
contact with the whites. They had a
tradition that when the French first appeared in the middle of Green Bay the
Winnebago went to the edge of the water with offerings of tobacco and white
deerskins. When the French were about to
come ashore they fired their guns as a salute to the Indians. The Indians who had never heard a gun before
called the French "Thunderbirds."
When they landed the French extended their hands to the Indians for a
friendly handshake. The Winnebagoes had
never heard of the custom of shaking hands and didn't know what they were
expected to do. They put tobacco in the
hands of the French. The French did not
not know what to do with the tobacco.
They tried to talk but could not make themselves understood. After awhile the French discovered that the
Indians were without tools. They showed
them as ax and how it was used to chop down a tree. The red man were afraid of it and thought the
ax was holy. Suddenly a Frenchman saw an
old man smoking. Knowing nothing about
the use of tobacco, he poured water on him to put the fire out.
Gradually the two races got to know each
other. The Indians learned how to handle
the guns, knives, axes and needles of the whites. Trading began even before they understood each
other's oral language.
CHAPTER 21
THE DECORAHS
There was a tribal tradition that a French
leader took a liking to a Winnebago girl, a chief's daughter named
Glory-of-the-Morning. He had asked her
parents if he could marry her but was told that her two brothers, who had taken
over the leadership of the Winnebao tribe, had the right to give her in
marriage. The brothers consented and two
boys were born.
When these boys were a little older it was
agreed that the father would take the oldest son to France to learn the French
ways, and the other son would be raised by his mother in the Winnebago tribe.
The people in France liked the Winnebago,
treated him well and gave him presents, but he became homesick and would not
eat. They were afraid he would become
sick and die. The father brought him
back to the tribe and agreed that his sons be brought up by the Indians.
The French army officer who married
Glory-of-the-Morning was Sebrevoir (Joseph) Des Caris. His descendants were variously called De
Carrie, De Kaury, Dekorra, Decorah or Decora.
In 1728 he had marched up the Fox River with French soldiers. They stopped at a Winnebago village on Doty
Island. It was here that he met
Glory-of-the-Morning.
In 1729 Des Caris resigned his army
commission and made his living trading in furs with the Winnebagoes on Doty
Island. During the French and Indian War
he re-enlisted in the French army, was wounded and died in Montreal in
1760. Glory-of-the-Morning became Queen
of the Winnebagoes and a legend in her own time. Her lodge remained on Doty Island.
When Captain Jonathan Carver passed up the
Fox River in 1766 he found the main village of the Winnebagoes on Doty
Island. They also had a smaller village
about forty miles father up the river.
There were about two hundred warriors in all.
Carver visited Glory-of-the-Morning as head
chief, or queen, of the Winnebagoes. He
wrote that she was old and small. Her
village had several hundred people living in about fifty lodges. She entertained him for four days with great
hospitality. He frequently
"saluted" her to gain her favor and she would assume an air of
juvenile gaiety and smile with pleasure at his attention. The maidens who attended her were also
pleased at this show of respect.
Carver asked for the permission of the
council of chiefs to pass through their country. This pleased them and they gravely and
solemnly granted it. Their dialect was
so different from the Algonquins that they had to converse in the Chippewa
tongue, which seemed to be a universal language among the Indians.
There arose a Winnebago tradition that
since the time of Glory-of-the-Morning all Winnebago chiefs had French blood;
that only a Winnebago with French blood could achieve anything among the
whites. The Indians thought the De
Carries were the most intelligent people and what they did was the best that
could be done.
The descendants of the De Carries formed a
clan more numerous than any of the other Winnebago clans. They were proud of the Indian and French
heritage and were friendly to both Indians and Europeans. The Decorahs became well-known in the Green
Lake-Bluffton area.
When Glory-of-the-Morning died her oldes
son, Spoon, became head chief. When a
lad he had gone into the woods fasting for a month. When he returned he said the Earthmaker
Spirit had spoken to him, telling him to spend his life serving his
people. That is what he always tried to
do. He fought with the British in the
War of 1812. In 1816 he signed a
"peace and friendhip with the United States" treaty. This was the first treaty between the
Winnebagoes and the American government.
Spoon's oldest son, called "The Eldest
De Kaury" or "Old Decorah," became chief of his tribe upon the
death of his father. He had a village on
the Fox River near Lake Puckaway before moving his tribe across the
Fox-Wisconsin portage to a new village several miles from that portage.
Old Decorah had a dignified aristocratic
bearning. His very neat, appropriate
clothing and courteous manner at all times made him greatly respected. The top of his head was bald, but he had a
long silvery cluster of hair falling behind his shoulders which he kept neatly
tied. He died in 1826 before the
Winnebagoes ceded all their land to the United States.
When American settlers tried to get Indian
children to come to state schools Old decorah stated that the Father, the Great
Spirit made the white man and the Indian, but He did not make them alike. He taught the white man to live in towns,
build houses and make books, but He taught the Indian to live in the woods and
to go hunting and fishing. The white man
does not want to live like the Indian, and neither does the Indian want to live
like the white man. The Great Spirit did
not make them that way.
CHAPTER 22
THE FOX-WISCONSIN WATERWAY
Bluffton's situation of the Puckyan River
so close to the Fox River made that well-traveled waterway very important to
her.
The Fox-Wisconsin portage which traders and
travelers such as Louis Jolliet and Father Marquette used is unique in the
closeness of two rivers belonging to two different great drainage systems. They are divided by the Niagara ridge which
runs through Wisconsin roughly parallel to the western shore of Lake Michigan.
The Fox River rises in the eastern part of
Columbia County, collects some water run-off from southern Green Lake County,
and meanders timidly westerly until within the present limits of the City of
Portage. There it turns abruptly
northward, slowly hides herself in the reeds and marshes that chokes her way,
until emerging from her obscurity she moves on in a northeasterly direction,
flows through the northwestern corner of Green Lake County and passes on until
she unites with the Wolf River, mingles with the water of Lake Winnebago, and
goes on to Green Bay and Lake Michigan.
The Wisconsin River rising in extreme
northern Wisconsin flows southerly, until at the portage, rushing and swirling
from the northwest it hits the Niagara ridge, bounds suddenly westward, and
continues to the Mississippi River.
The waters of these two rivers come within
about a mile and a quarter of each other, but they seldom meet until through
the Gulfs of Mexico and St. Lawrence, they are mingled in the eternal
ocean. That narrow strip of land where
the two rivers so nearly meet is the western extremity of the Fox River
Valley. Normally the water in the Fox is
about eight feet lower than the water in the Wisconsin, but at extreme flood
height there is a difference of 18 to 20 feet between them. In its natural state flood waters could and
would leave the Wisconsin a few miles upstream of the portage and spread over
the lowlands, eventually reaching the Fox.
Very often in spring Indians could paddle their canoes from the
Wisconsin to the Fox without the necessity of portaging.
While the Indians who lived along the banks
of these two rivers knew nothing of the distant seas to which these waters ran,
they appreciated the advantages of the nearness of the two streams to each
other. They honored the deity who
granted them this favor and made tobacco offerings to him.
Even before Father Marquette's 1673 trip,
the Fox-Wisconsin route to the Mississippi had seen canoes of travelers,
adventurers and traders pass up and down the placid waters of the upper Fox and
the turbulent rapids of the river below Lake Winnebago.
In 1680 after Daniel Greysolon de Dulhut
secured the release of Father Louis Hennapin and his two companions, they
returned to Canada by the Fox-Wisconsin route.
In describing the descent of the Fox, Father Hennapin says it
"winds wonderfully" "for after six hours of sailing we found
ourselves opposite the place where we started." It is not improbable that they wandered among
bayous instead of keeping the channel.
They did not have guides through the marshes and wild rice beds such as
Father Marquette had had seven years before.
For one hundred and twenty years after
Father Marquette and his companions carried their canoes, traders, Indians and
explorers had labored to make the portage. Many, many weary trips were made across that
portage; trips made by men laden with goods, peltries and canoes on their backs
or shoulders. Then in the spring of 1793
Laurent Barth, a Macinac trader arrived and saw the opportunity of an
enterprise.
About 1790 a band of Winnebagoes, under the
leadership of Old Decorah, had established a village on the Wisconsin River two
or three miles above the portage. Barth
procured from them a franchise to establish a transportation line across the
portage. He built a house, and, with a
Canadian pony and cart, drove back and forth across the portage for the
accomodation of traders for fifty cents a hundred pounds.
In 1798 his monopoly came to an end. It is unkown whether or not it had been
agreed that his franchise be an exclusive one.
In that year John (Jean) Lecuyer came.
His wife was a sister to Old Decorah, a chief and a great man among the
Winnebagoes. The Winnebagoes gave
Lecuyer a fanchise to transport across the portage also. He had several horses and carts and a wagon
with a long reach on which large canoes could be hauled. Competition brought the rate down to forty
cents per hundred pounds.
About 1803 Barth sold out to Archibald
Campbell. Shortly afterwards Campbell
sold his fixtures to Lecuyer. Lecuyer
expected to have a monopoly, but Campbell's franchise had not been included in
the deal. Soon there came Campbell's
son, John, with teams and wagons and a long heavy wagon on which barges could
be transported. John Campbell later
became the American Indian Agent at Prairie du Chien.
For many years the transportation across
the portage was the principle business. Gradually it became the center of a
permanent settlement. After Lecuyer's
death his businees passed to Francis LeRoy who had come from Green Bay and
married Lecuyer's daughter, Therese.
Lecuyer and his successors kept a stock of merchandise which they sold,
and for several years it was a winter trading point for Indians also.
Those Indians who made use of Wisconsin
waterways had canoes made of birch bark.
While the materials used were all gathered from nature, building a canoe
was not a spur-of-the-moment thing. The
cedar or spruce wood used for the framework had to be dried several years
before being split and shaped. Roots for
sewing had to be taken in early summer.
Birch bark had to be taken in early June for best results. Great care was taken in selecting trees whose
bark was of good quality. Bark that was
completely white or whose outer surface had small strips separating was not chosen. A cut was made around the birch tree near the
bottom of the trunk and another about head high. A vertical cut was made from one ring to the
other and the bark was pealed from the tree.
So careful were the Indians in taking the bark that the tree was not
killed but continued to grow, though its bark would never again be of quality
suitable to harvest.
These birch strips were sewed together with
the long, slender, tough threadlike roots of larch or balsam trees. Black spruce roots could be used by skinning
them with a piece of wood dull enough not to cut them, splitting them in halves
(or quarters, depending upon the size,) and then scraping them flat. White spruce roots could not be used because
they crack when dry. Both bark and roots
were kept moist until used to keep them limber.
The bark was cut and shaped to fit the
cedar or spruce framework. Roots were
also used to lash the bark to the frame.
The canoe was then waterproofd with a mixture of balsam, pine or spruce
gum, animal fat and charcoal.
Various tribes had their own distinct
pattern or style, some very beautiful.
They were about 15 feet long, graceful and very light. They could ride the water like a cork, be used
in shallow water, and could be carried easily upon a man's head. The Indian could handle his canoe so
skillfully that it glided smoothly. He
braved all kinds of waters, shooting rapids of swiftly flowing rivers and
riding waves of the Great Lakes. The
white man often got a dunking in his first attempts to use a bark canoe. The life expectancy of these canoes was about
one year.
Besides Indians, the Fox-Wisconsin waterway
was used by missionaries, explorers, traders, soldiers and adventurers. The first of these followed the Indians in
using their small bark canoes, often using Indian guides to travel unknown
regions. Sometimes a larger canoe was
used like the 36-foot Montreal canoe manned by a twelve-man crew. Like the smaller canoes they were made from
materials found in the woods and could be easily repaired, and carried across
portages or around rapids.
When Fr. Allouez was assigned to replace
Fr. Marquette at the mission to the Illinois Indians he left Green Bay near the
end of October, 1675. He was stopped by
ice before he had gone very far. He had
to wait until the ice was strong enough to support the party. He and his two companions improvised a sail
which they put on their canoe and with the wind sailed toward Sturgeon
Bay. When the wind failed they dragged
the canoe with ropes. It is thought that
they cut small saplings to make a cradle equipped with runners to support the
canoe and protect its bottom.
In the mid-1700s traders began to use boats
called bateaux (batteau). They were 30
to 40 feet long, over five feet wide, about three feet deep and had flat
bottoms. They too were made of bark of
the white birch cut into proper strips and sewen together, then lashed to a
strong frame of split cedar, and pitched at the seams. It was propelled with long oars and had a
crew of six rowers, one steersman and usually a commander who worked for a fur
company. The bundles of furs were packed
in the center and covered against inclement weather. It also carried food and tents for camping at
night. Often the French boatmen sang
merry songs as they paddled along. On
open water a sail could be raised to relieve the rowers. They did not enture far from shore.
Durham boats were in use as late as
1852. They had running boards along
their sides and were propelled by men with long poles and steered by a man at
the stern with a long oar.
CHAPTER 23
DAWN OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY
When the nineteenth century dawned Bluffton
lay like an unplished gem, unknown and unappreciated. The fertile soil, destined to nourish the
great agricultural growth that developed in the 1800s, lay under thick prairie
grass. Along the Puckyan marsh grass
grew giving cover to water fowl and acquatic animals.
Bluffton was a part of the United
States. While that fledgling country was
not strong enough to terminate British dominance in this area, it had made
giant strides in the formation of a great country. It had adopted a constitution which has
endured; it had passed the Northwest Ordinance of 1787; it had quieted
individual state claims to western lands (like Virginia's claim to this area);
it had developed a land system to survey and convey governmental lands to
private individuals; and in general had laid down the blueprints upon which
could be built a society proclaiming equality, liberty and justice. Those blueprints were not, and are not, always
followed, but they are there, and striving for their ideals has made this
country great.
When the nineteenth century began what is
now Wisconsin was the westernmost political frontier of the United States, but
it was unorganized and without a distinctive name or a defined area. In 1800 it was made a part of the Indiana
Territory. In 1803 when the United
States acquired the Louisiana Purchase it ceased to be the westernmost
political frontier, but it still had no political direction or control outside
of Indian tribal councils.
The earliest attempt of Americans to
exercise any jurisdiction in the Fox River Valley was the appointment by
Harrison, Governor of Indiana Territory, of Charles Raume as a justice of the
peace. Before this time marriages were
entered into by contract in front of witnesses, there being no clergymen or
magistrates. Disputes were
arbitrated. Justice Raume arrived in
Green Bay in 1792 and administered justice in a very eccentric way.
About 1790 the population in Green Bay began
to grow. The rigors of life on the
frontier developed their kindness and hospitality not only among themselves but
with strangers who came among them.
Agriculture was carried on to the extent necessary to supply their own
needs. Implements were few. The horses used were Canadian ponies, small
but strong and hardy, and often fleet of foot.
Carts were used for dray purposes.
There were no carriages but there were sleds, carioles drawn by dog or
horse and other vehicles for business or pleasure when snow and ice closed
canoe navigation.
They raised wheat to make their flour from
the time of the first permanent settlement, and ground it in hand mills worked
with two cranks, with which two persons could grind about half a bushel in an
hour. In 1809 Jacob Franks built the
first saw and grist mill in the Fox River Valley on Devil River, two or three
miles east of De Pere. This ended the
necessity of their hand grinding flour.
Their fields were plowed with a wooden plow
having an iron point with a long plow-beam supported on small wheels and drawn
by oxen. A straight yoke was lashed
across their horns and attached to the plow by thongs of hide.
Bluffton belonged to the Winnebagoes. The elk and the bison were no longer
plentiful, but deer, muskrats, ducks and geese abounded. The Puckyan River was a passageway for canoes
traveling between the Fox River and Green Lake, where a large Winnebago village
thrived for many years along the eastern end of the lake near the Silver Creek
Inlet.
The fur trade continued under British
domination, but after years of extensive trapping, fur bearing animals were
becoming less plentiful in the Wisconsin area.
Trappers were tapping new regions farther to the west and northwest,
even as far as the Rocky Mountains.
Settlers from the East were demanding more and more territory. The Indians were resisting their
encroachments.
The United States government continued the
theory started by the British that the Indian tribes were independent nations
with their own sovereign rights. When
the government wanted to obtain Indian lands they held treaty councils where
terms were agreed upon, arrangements
made to transfer the land, and tribal leaders signed the documents which were
then sent to the Senate for ratification.
This ideal did not always work out in practice. Wherever a growing and greedy white
population overflowed into Indian-held lands there was trouble. The trouble did not come from evil whites or
evil Indians but rose out of errors of judgement, rumors or incomplete information,
and fears. Errors and fears were common
to both races and included fears of treachery, murder, violation of wives and
children, and destruction of property.
Too many American frontiersmen had little concern for negotiation but
their government tried to prevent them from rushing into Indian lands before
they were formally purchased. Conversely
too many Indian hunters had little concern for white trespassers though their
chiefs tried to prevent them from killing.
Treaty sessions usually awaited some
special event or influence, like a misdeed for which a tribe was to be
punished, or pressure on Congress by an influential person or group who wanted
Indian land. Other issues were discussed
at the councils but the main item was sale of land to the United States,
usually for a stated amount with payment to be made to the tribe annually in
money, goods or services. After the
treaty was signed gifts were distributed--silver metals, swords and officer's
coats to the chiefs; supplies, tobacco and liquor to all.
Gradually two other considerations entered
the negotiations, the "civilization" of the Indians and their
"removal." In the
"civilization" program Indians were to be given agricultural tools,
blacksmith equipment, hogs and cattle, seeds, gristmills, spinning wheels and
looms. They were to be given the
services of poeple to teach them how to use these things--blacksmiths to shoe
horses, repair guns and make traps; farmers to show planting and harvesting skills;
and women to teach spinning, weaving and household skills.
The Indians were expected to give up
hunting and trapping to become farmers
and homemakers in fixed locations.
Schools were to be provided for their children who would thus be assimilated
into the white culture. Indian tribes whose
ancestors had been urged ot give up their self-sufficient
agriculturally-oriented life in order to hunt and trap for whitemen, were now
condemned for following the hunt. In the
Indian mind plows, hoes and mills carried the stigma of "woman's
work." They would rather have had
the money. Cattle and oxen were welcomed
but too often appreciated more for their meat than for their milk and butter or
their work as a beast of burden.
As relations between whites and Indians
living in close contact deteriorated because of cultural clashes, the concept
of "the Indian must go" gained favor.
Before the 1800s this had little to do with Bluffton and Wisconsin. Settlers had not yet penetrated this far; the
British who influenced the Indians in the region cared only for the fur trade
and did not threaten them with settlements.
This changed during the nineteenth century.
Some events have long and far-reaching
effects. So it was with the events that
happened to the Sauk and Fox tribes.
They led directly to the Black Hawk War and indirectly to the
Winnebagoes selling the territory which included Bluffton.
After the Sauk and Fox tribes left the Fox
Valley they settled along the Wisconsin River.
Between 1780 and 1800 these tribes, with the help of the Iowas, drove away
Osage, Missouri and Kansas hunters from the region west of the Mississippi,
between the Missouri and Des Moines Rivers.
By 1804 the relations between Sauk-Fox and
Americans were getting tense. The Sauks
complained that the Americans had no treaty with them and gave them no gifts
wlthough whites trespassed on their lands; and that the Americans favored the
Osage, Sauk enemies, with whom the Americans did have a traty and to whom they
did give gifts. In spite of this the
Sauk tribal councils advocated patience and attempted to control their young
men.
In 1804 four Sauk hunters killed some white
settlers who were trespassing on Indian hunting grounds. The Sauk chiefs were greatly alarmed. Four Sauk bands living the farthest down the
Mississippi withdrew from the proximity of the Americans. In September two chiefs went to St. Louis to
proclaim their disapproval of the killings.
These chiefs were given a demand that the murderers be given up under
implied threat of war; they also were given an invitation to a treaty council
with William Henry Harrison (then governor of the Territory of Indiana which
included Wisconsin.) Harrison had been
instructed to obtain land cessions from the Sauks, but there is no evidence
that the Sauks were informed that major land cessions would be a part of the
treaty.
In October a Sauk delegation headed by an
Indian named Quashquame met with Gov. Harrison.
They were acting as a party responsible for the killings to settle the
matter before the Americans launched a war.
They brought with them one of the murderers for trial and possible
punishment.
The details of the nurders and the details
of the negotiations appear in no records.
A treaty was signed by Quashquame and four other Indians at least one of
whom was a Fox. Among other provisions
it ceded to the United States a vast territory in present Illinois, Wisconsin
and Missouri, bounds exceeding the territory occupied by or even claimed by the
Sauks and Fox. A stipulation read "As
long as the lands which are now ceded to the United States remain their
property, the Indians belonging to the said tribes, shall enjoy the privilege
of living and hunting upon them."
What did these Indians, who were not even the main leaders of their
tribe and who were dealing in a foreign language, understand by this?
The Indian murderer who gave himself up was
"pardoned" although the pardon arrived after he had been shot
"when attempting to make his excape."
The Sauk Council quickly learned that the
treaty was regarded by the United States as a land cession. They accepted it as an accomplished fact and
did not reject it, for to do so would bring war with the United States. In 1805 at a formal council in St. Louis the
Sauk chiefs asked that their message be sent to the President. It expressed their regret and discontent with
the treaty and asked for a reasonable payment for the loss of their lands.
This treatment of the Sauks was known by
the Winnebagoes whose territory overlapped that of the Sauks and who were
friendly to them. The United States had
not made a favorable impression on any of the Wisconsin Indians. The Winnebago, Sauk and Potawatomi tribes
were especially hostile toward the Americans.
CHAPTER 24
WAR OF 1812
Spain had ceded Louisiana back to France
and Napoleon had sold it to the United states in 1803. The trading posts on the Upper Great Lakes
had been turned over to the Americans under Jay's Treaty, but the British still
dominated the fur trade from across the border.
Robert Dickson, a Scotchman, had been
engaged in the fur trade as an agent of the Northwest Company for a good many
years. He had married a sister of a
Sioux chief and had acquired an influence among the Indians similar to that of
Nicholas Perrot more than a century earlier.
They called him the "Red Head" because of the color of his
hair. About 1810 Dickson and some other
Egnlish traders ran over $50,000 worth of Indian trade goods past Macinac in
the night in batteau and got them safely to Green Bay. There was no American soldiers stationed at
Green Bay or the Upper Mississippi.
Prairie du Chien was occupied by English traders and a few other men.
The continued domination of Wisconsin
Indians by the British was resented by the Americans, but while they challenged
British domination they made no special preparations for war. They had only three military posts near
Wisconsin; Fort Madison on the Mississippi, Fort Dearborn at Chicago and Fort
Macinac. The total strength of the three
forts were about 150 men.
War was declared by Congress June 18, 1812,
and the proclamation by the president was issued the next day. For some odd reason the declaration was known
at all British posts on the frontier before the commanders at the American
posts received any notice of it. The
American commandant at Macinac, Porter Hanks, had heard only rumors of a
possible war. He did not know his country
was actually at war until he realized that the enemy had dragged a cannon up a
hill above his fort and was demanding his surrender. The fort fell before a single shot was fired.
Soon after Fort Macinac fell, Fort Dearborn
was burned. The Detroit garrison
surrendered without resistence. Fort
Madison withstood an attack but the surrounding buildings were destroyed and it
was abandoned a year later. The Indians,
pro-British before, were now very hostile to all Americans, and U. S. citizens
fled from Green Bay, Prairie du Chien and all points between. That the posts were in British hands was much
to the advantage of Dickson.
In 1813 the British fell back from
Amherstburg, the point which furnished trade goods to Macinac. That fort was left short of supplies, and
Dickson was late in getting started from Macinac for Prairie du Chien with an
assortment of Goods deemed necessary for the winter support of the Indians for
whom they were intended. He had expected
to winter on the Mississippi. By November
13th he was at Lake Winnebago, but the lakes were frozen and he was forced to
remian at or near the Winnebago village on Garlic Island (later known as Island
Park.) The winter was a hard one and he
was constantly troubled with half starved Indians who came and ate up his
supplies. Normally the few settlers at
Green Bay had plenty but they were not used to furnishing agricultural supplies
outside their own use. Demands for
Macinac, for Dickson, and for roving Indians was too much for their store. They were out of flour and had to send wheat
and a hand mill to Dickson. They were in
danger of being left without seed for spring sowing. In April Dickson was able to get his goods to
Prairie du Chien. After a short stay he
returned to Macinac.
That spring (of 1814) the Americans
ascended the Mississippi and in June built a fort named Fort Shelby at Prairie
du Chien. They raised the first American
flag known to fly over a Wisconsin building.
To have an American force in control of a
fort at Prairie du Chien would be ruinous to the British fur trade. When news of this fort reached Macinac, an
expedition was sent out commanded by William McKay. Volunteers were recruited from voyageurs,
Michigan settlers and Indians. When they
reached Green Bay on the 4th or 5th of July they found no American force to
oppose them. The U. S. government had
never really taken possession of the place.
They hurried over the Fox-Wisconsin route to Prairie du Chien, and
beseiged the American fort for three days before it surrendered, leaving the
British with a new American-built fort which they renamed Fort McKay.
At the time of the British attack on the
American fort at Prairie du Chien a party of Winnebagoes, including some
Decorahs, were living at Little Green Lake.
While some of their relatives joined the British in this attack, the
peacable Winnebagoes near Little Green did not want to be at war with any
whites, and did not go.
Fort McKay was placed under the command of
Captain Andrew Bulger. Though the
Americans were unsuccessful in recovering Macinac, they prevented the British
from furnishing supplies to Fort McKay, leaving that place without news, and
without provisions--not even "a glass of grog or a pipe of tobacco."
Long dull days of wintering in the isolated
fort with little food was exceedingly unpleasant. The Indians werre constantly shifting and
hard to control. The Indian agents
irritating, the Michigan volunteers complaining and the townspeople
poverty-striken. These inhabitants were
requested to deliver one fourth part of all their wheat to the king's store
which left them with barely enough on which to survive. Even grain that had been set aside for seed
dwindled away. One trader wrote that he
expected two thousand Indians to show up for supplies but that they did not
have a pipe of tobacco or a shot of powder to give them. He mentioned "hard-times--two ruffles
and no shirt--plenty of land and no wheat."
In the spring (May 22, 1815), they learned
that a treaty had been signed. When
Bulger received orders to evacuate, he destroyed the fort and retreated to
Macinac.
The Treaty of Ghent concluded in December
of 1814 was little different from the treaty signed in 1783. Again the British Americans in Wisconsin felt
that the crown had abandoned them. Green
Bay inhabitants had been loyal subjects of the British crown. The drain on their resources in supplying the
garrison at Macinac, Dickson's expedition and Indian allies of the British had
reduced them to near famine. But
traders, after taking an oath of allegiance to the United States, continued
their business. It was the Indians that
suffered the worst effects of the war.
They had supported the British and had successfully prevented American
occupation of the region. They were now
at the mercy of their recent foes whom they had been led to fear and
distrust. Their knowledge of the
Americans had come from anti-American British traders, contacts with settlers
encroaching on Indian lands in Ohio and warnings from Indian leaders who had
wanted to drive the whites back to the place from which they had come.
On June 3, 1815, at a council held at
Macinac by the British leader McDouall, a Winnebago chief stated that they
hated the "Big Knives," (the name the Indians gave to the Americans),
and that "Our Great Father" beyond the "Great Lake" had not
reflected when he agreed to put the Indians in the power of their great
enemy. Protests were in vain. At noon, July 19th, the British flag was
withdrawn from Macinac as McDouall withdrew to Canadian soil. The last royal authority that claimed the
land of Bluffton had passed away.
The Americans had never really been in
actual possission of Bluffton or any of the region between Lake Michigan and
the Mississippi. It was the Indians who
held it, who were nurtured by its abundance and who were vitally concerned
about its welfare.
In the summer of 1815 Colonel John Bowyer,
the first American Indian agent at Green Bay, arrived there. He was socially popular with the traders and
merchants, but unpopular with the Indians.
Soon after Major Matthew Irwin came and operatd an American government trading
post, or "factory,"
In July 1816 three schooners entered the
mouth of the Fox River, a sight never before seen in Wisconsin. They brought the first American garrison for
Green Bay commanded by Colonel John Miller.
Colonel Miller upon his arrival was careful
to treat the Indians with respect and tried to gain their confidence and
friendship. He formally asked the
Menomonees for permission to build a fort.
After some deliberation the Menomonees gave their consent, in a short
speech which indicated that they knew they would not be able to stop it.
A delegation of Winnebago came from the
principal village on Lake Winnebago.
When told that the Americans came in peace the chief is reported to have
implied that if the purpose was peace they brought too many men, but if the
purpose was war they had too few. The
argument was consluded by showing him ten or twelve cannons as a reserve force
which he ha not seen.
Fort Howard was erected without active
opposition from the Indians. The
"Stars and Stripes" had come to Green Bay to govern the Fox River
Valley.
CHAPTER 25
THE WINNEBAGO WAR
After the War of 1812 the Fox and Sauks
made separate peace treaties with the United States, both assenting to the
Treaty of 1804. In 1817 both tribes
accepted annuities after being told that doing so did not establish a new
cession of land. It seems clear that the
chiefs, the recognized authorities in the tribes, consistently accepted what
the United States authorities said were the terms of the treaty, and just as
clear that they protested its injustice and asked for reasonable payment. Quashquame insisted he had not intended to
sell any lands north of the Rock River.
Moreover the Sauks may not have realized how severely they had been
cheated until 1831.
The conciliatory policy of the chiefs was
not popular with many of the warriors.
Sauk and Fox hunters continued to invade lands of neighboring tribes.
In 1825 a conference of Wisconsin tribes
was held at Prairie du Chien to establish definite boundaries between tribes ,
to eliminate friction between them, and facilitate future land purchases. Among the participants was Chief Old Deccorah
and One-Eyed Decorah (also known as "Big Canoe"). One of the reasons that the United States
called this council was that they feared the Sauk and Fox aggressions would arouse
a general Indian war. The resulting
treaty set many intertribal boundaries, Sauk and Fox expansion was recognized
and their chiefs pledged to restrain their young men from further acts of
violence. Black Hawk was not one of the
Sauk chiefs who attended.
The treaty had promised peace, but when the
news spread that there were lead mines in southwest Wisconsin, American
frontiersmen overran Indian lands. The
southern bands of Chippewa, Ottawa and Potawatomi, the Sauk and Fox, and the
Winnebago tribes all held claims to the lead region. It was the Winnebagoes living near the
present day City of La Crosse who reacted the most violently.
At the conference of 1825 the Winnebagoes
had claimed as their territory land reaching from Lake Winnebago to Rock Island
in Illinois, and northwest from the Fox-Wisconsin portage to the Black
River. They resented whites violating
their lands. Asserting their rights they
harassed travelers and blocked water routes through their territory, sometimes
imitating the old practice of the Fox Indians and levying a tariff on goods
passing the portage. Individuals or
small groups went father. In 1826 some
Winnebagoes murdered a family of whites making maple sugar near their
camp. The tribe refused to bring the
culprits to justice. For the first time
the Winnebagoes showed an unwillingness to conform to their own custom of
bringing in criminals for justice.
The Winnebagoes believed a rumor that two
braves from their tribe who had been prisoners at Prairie du Chien had been taken
to Fort Snelling by soldiers and killed.
The two returned some time later, but before they did a Winnebago
council, acting on the rumor, chose Red Bird to avenge the
"killings."
In June of 1827 Chief Red Bird and three
other Winnebagoes entered a home on the outskirts of Prairie du Chien and
murdered two men and scalped a child.
Red Bird had obeyed the laws of his people, but he had broken the laws
of the United States. The frightened
villagers sent frantic appeals for help.
The militia was ordered out.
Forces under General Henry Atkinson gathered from as far away as
Illinois areas. The Indians fled up the
Wisconsin River. The same day four
traders in a boat were killed by Winnebagoes.
The guilty ones were never found.
The Winnebago chiefs had been informed that
they would be held responsible for the murders committed by Red Bird if he was
not delivered up to the Americans.
Soldiers put Old Decorah in prison with instructions to shoot him if Red
Bird did not surrender. Old Decorah was
ill. Upon his promise to return at night
he was allowed to leave prison during the day.
Every evening he stood at the gates waiting for his jailers. When friends told him to escape he asked if
they thought he praised life above honor.
He stated he would not betray a trust even for the sake of saving his
life.
Walking Turtle, principle chief of the
Winnebago Nation, was among those who persuaded Red Bird to surrender.
In September Red Bird and The Sun, one of
his two accomplices, rather than engage their people in a hopeless war against
the Americans, surrendered at Portage to Major William Whistler of Fort Howard,
who with his men had traveled up the Fox River.
Red Bird came singing his death song.
His face was painted red on one side, and green and white intermixed on
the other. He wore a Yankton suit of
beautiful new elk-skin, soft as a kid glove and pure white with long
fringes. On his shoulders were preserved
red birds in place of epaulettes. Around
his neck he wore a collar of blue and white wampum. It was rimmed with the claws of a wild cat,
their points turned inward. Hanging
around his neck were strings of wampum of different lengths. His hair had been cut after the civilized
fashion and no attempt was made to decorate it.
His war pipe, at least three feet long and ornamented with dyed horse
hair, feathers and bills of birds, was bound tightly across his chest in
diagonal position. In one hand he
carried the white flag of truce; in the other the calumet or pipe of peace.
Facing Major Whistler, Red Bird said that
he was ready. He asked that he not be
put in irons; he had given away his life and would not take it back. He stooped to pick up dust between his thumb
and finger, then blew the dust away to symbolize that his life was gone.
He was not put in irons. A party of Winnebagoes including Walking
Turtle went to Washington to plead for Red Bird and his accomplices, explaining
that their acts were in accord to the Winnebago idea of justice. That winter Red Bird died a prisoner at Fort
Crawford before he came to trial. He had
fixed his mind on the Spirit Land and had refused to eat. Little Buffalo, Red Bird's other accomplice,
was captured after the surrender of Red Bird and The Sun. These two accomplices were convicted of
murder and sentenced to death, but were pardoned in 1828 by President John
Quincey Adams.
The Winnebago party that had been at Little
Green Lake in 1814 when the British took Fort Shelby were also there at the
time of Red Bird's surrender. They had
no general hatred of the whites, feeling that Red Bird had had a private
revenge to satisfy and had murdered the white family totally on his own
accord. They had no strong feelings
about these events. There was no
sympathy for Red Bird, but they feared he would cause them trouble with the
Americans.
No real fighting had occurred in the
"Winnebago War". After Red
Bird's surrender arrangements were made for Americans to use the lead mines
until a treaty could be made.
A war chief by the name of Yellow Thunder
was one of the Winnebago leaders who advocated peace beytween the Indians and
the settlers. He was born about 1774 and
had lived around Green Bay. From
1828-1832 his band had a village northwest of Rush Lake, not far from and on
the same side of the Fox River as Bluffton.
He was one of the fifteen Winnebago chiefs accompanied by Indian Agent
John Kinzie who visited Washington D. C. in 1828 to see the wonders of the
United States and confer with President John Quincey Adams. They had been invited in order to impress upon
them the greatness of the Americans and
the futility of warring against them.
Yellow Thunder's wife was the only woman to make the trip. Afterwards she was known as Washington Woman.
At a Grand Council held in July 1829 at
Prairie du Chien over 350 Winnebago men and almost twice that number of their
women and children assembled with Chippewa, Ottawa and Potawatomi Indians. Chief after chief stood to declare their
unwillingness to part with more land, objecting to Americans pushing farther
and farther into Indian territory. But
in time the Indians were persuaded to sell their lands. In their speeches the Winnebago recognized
the futility of resisting the encroachment of the Americans. The complaints of the Indian chiefs was in
stark contrast to the joyous welcome the first whitemen received from the
Winnebagoes.
The United States agreed to pay the
Winnebagoes $18,000 plus 3,000 pounds of tobacco and 50 barrels of salt to be
paid annually, part at Prairie du Chien and part at Fort Winnebago, plus $30,000
in goods immediately and $20,000 in claims against the tribe; to set aside
tracts of land for half-breeds and to maintain a driver, a cart, and two yoke
of oxen at the portage for thirty years.
The rich lead region was then cleared of Indian titles.
As a result of the "Winnebago
War" the Americans continued to show "white power" as a warning
to the Indians. In 1829 a new fort was
built at the Fox-Wisconsin portage on the very hill where Red Bird
surrendered. It was named Fort
Winnebago. Lieutenant Jefferson Davis
commanded a detail of men who cut logs along the Yellow River and floated them
down the Wisconsin to Portage. The fort
there was built with the lumber from these logs. Lt. Davis, who later became president of the
Confederated States, is thought to be the first lumber man on the Wisconsin
River.
Fort Crawford at Prairie du Chien was
regarrisonned and shortly afterward it was replaced by a stone fort farther
away from the hazardous waterfront. The
pressure of "white power" was felt by Bluffton,s Winnebagoes. Once again a tribe had lost title to land
because of the misdeeds of a few tribesmen.
CHAPTER 26
INFLUX OF NEW YORK INDIANS
American emigration to Green Bay was at
first very slow and none to other parts of the Fox Valley for twenty years
after the American garrison took over at Fort Howard.
In February 1820 Secretary of War Calhoun
commissioned Rev. Jedediah Morse, D.D. to visit the scattered tribes and report
their numbers and condition. He was the
author of a popular textbook, "Morse's Geography." and the father of
Samuel Morse who invented the electric telegraph.
When Rev. Morse was in Green Bay in 1820
the only Americans he found there were the garrison, the Indian agent and the
factor of the government trading post.
He reported that the American government factory system (trading posts)
was a failure because the government traders did not advance trade goods to the
Indians before receiving their furs, and did not furnish them with
whiskey. The kinds and quality of their
trading goods were more suitable to making money than furnishing the needs of
the Indians. The factory system
temporarily established in 1811 and continued by later acts of Congress was
abolished in May, 1822. It had been
expensive and had proved to be a dismal failure.
The French and English traders had made
presents of large quantities of goods to the Indians every year, but the
Americans did not give anything to them until the treaties had been
signed. When the Americans gave goods
and money it was usually to pay for cessions of land.
Morse in his report estimated that there
were 3,900 souls of the Menomonees who resided in a number of villages on Lake
Winnebago, Fox River, Green Bay and Menomonee River; and 5,800 souls of the
Winnebagoes who resided in the river country on Lake Winnebago and southwest of
it to the Mississippi River. Another
estimate put the number of Winnebagoes at 4,000.
A unique wave of immigration reached and
settled in the Fox Valley. While Indiana
and Illinois were receiving a rapid increase in white settlers, this valley
received more Indians.
There arose a grand scheme of unknown
origin to reserve the whole territory between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi
River north of the northern boundary of Illinois for Indians. It would exclude all white settlers,
receiving instead Indians of the Six Nations and other remnants of tribes in
New York and elsewhere. In time, if
possible, it would become a state peopled by Indians only.
There are indications that when Rev. Morse
was commissioned to inspect and observe the Wisconsin Indians, the suggestion
came from himself, with the intention of furthering this ambition. There was no hint in any document that this
was the purpose of the commission but President Monroe and Secretary of War
Calhoun must have favored this plan.
Rev. Morse was greatly encouraged by Rev. Eleazer Williams, a missionary
of the Protestant Episcopal Church. In
1821 a delegation headed by Rev. Williams, with the approval of the government
visited Green Bay. Colonel John Bowyer
had died. There was no Indian agent at
the Bay when they arrived. The Menomonees
and Winnebagoes had no notice of their coming.
They were at first against any negotiations or sale of their lands, but
were eventually persuaded to sell a strip of their lands for $1,500.00 to be
paid in goods.
The next year a larger delegation came to
pay for that purchase and to negotiate for additional land. The $1,500.00 paid
in goods consisted of blankets, calico and other cloth; guns with gun powder,
lead and shot; barrels of flour and pork; and tobacco. Two equal piles were made of the goods--one
for each tribe. The rest of the day was
spent in feasting.
The next day an effort was made to get the
two tribes to cede more land. The
Winnebagoes flatly refused, but decided to give a dance first. The warriors who danced wore only a breech-cloth
and had their bodies painted with blue, green, red, black and white. Their eyes were circled; their faces fiercely
startling. They were armed with knives, spears and tomahawks. As the tempo of their dance increased their
tread began to shake the earth and their ear-splitting cries filled the air.
After the Winnebagoes left the council the
Menomonees agreed that the emigrant Indians could occupy their lands jointly
with themselves.
In 1823 and 1824 about one hundred fifty
Oneidas, about the same number of Stockbridges and a remnant of the
Brothertowns settled in the Fox River Valley area. The rest of the Oneida and other tribes of
the Six Nations could not be induced to come.
The scheme to colonize Wisconsin with Indians failed, though it resulted
in the addition of a few hundred Indians of tribes not previously inhabitants.
Troubles and disputes arose between the
Wisconsin Indians and the emigrants from New York. By the Treaty of Butte des Morts on August
11, 1827, the Menomonees and Winnebagoes agreed to refer the problem to the
President of the United States. The
presidents's decision would be final.
Under Monroe's decision commissioners were appointed. The Oneidas were assigned their present
reservation; the Stockbridges and Brothertowns were assigned lands on the east
side of Lake Winnebago.
Under the agreement reached in 1831 the
Menomonees ceded their land on the east side of Lake Winnebago and the
government promised to furnish: five farmers who are capable, industrious and
of good character to assist the Menomonee men for ten years in their business
of farmong; five females of good character to teach the Menomonee women for ten
years in "useful housewifery"; to build a limited number of houses;
to supply $6,00 worth of household articles, horses, cows, hogs, sheep and
farming utensils; to build a grist and saw mill on the Fox River for the
benefit of the Menomonees; to erect a blacksmith shop complete with a quantity
of iron for exclusive use of the Menomonee; and support for the Menomonee schools
for ten years.
By the Treaty of Green Bay, October 27,
1832, further cessions were made by the Menomonees. In 1852 they were entirely removed from the
Fox Valley to their reservation on the Wolf River. The Winnebagoes had already ceded their Fox
Valley territory. The Valley was left
clear for migrants but it was not the Indians from New York who wanted to move
to it.
CHAPTER 27
THE BLACK HAWK WAR
Some of the public lands held by the United
States were not offered for sale for many years. The lands around the lower Rock River ceded
by the Sauks in 1804 were first advertised for sale in 1829. Until then the Sauk and Fox residents
remained in their villages undisturbed.
In the spring of 1829 after the news of the
rich lead mines spread, squatters began pouring into the region before the
Indians returned from their winter hunt.
The whites enclosed the corn fields of the Sauks with fences and tore
down many of their lodges.
The main Sauk leader was Keokuk, the
speaker of the council and war chief of the major moiety. He consistently used his influence to promote
conciliation with the whites and to restrain high-spirited warriors from acts
of violence. But the Rock River Indians
also included what was known as the "British band" of Sauks. Their sympathetic cooperation with the
British as well as their anti-American feelings were well known. They had fought with Tecumseh and the British
against the Americans in the War of 1812.
They were led by Black Hawk who thought the Sauks should defend their
rights.
There was trouble all summer. The squatters, though trespassing, would not
be ordered off by the Indian agent.
Black Hawk refused to be ordered off either by the Indian agent or by
Sauk chiefs, declaring that they had never sold the land, and that the land
contained the bones of their fathers which they would defend as long as they
existed.
White men fought with each other over
Indian cornfields; Indians destroyed white men's fences and sheds; Indians were
beaten by white men, but there was no gunfighting that summer.
Keokuk's efforts to keep peace cost him the
fruits of a normal summer's buffalo hunt and brought him the disapproval of the
chiefs of both the Sauks west of the Mississippi and of the mutinous band. In the fall the Indians went off on their
winter hunt. Keokuk vowed never to
return, but Black Hawk returned the next spring.
Peace remained very fragile. Sioux and Sauk/Fox hunters encroached on each
other's territory. In spite of this,
United States officials managed to drive the white intruders away from the
mineral lands and negotiated a treaty at Prairie du Chien in July, 1830. Resentment continued. Deaths occurred, were avenged, the avengers
were avenged and the cycle repeated again, and again.
When Black Hawk and his band appeared in
their villages in the spring of 1831, the Indian agent had been removed and the
new agent was unkilled in Indian affairs and sympathetic to the frontier
settlers. John Reynolds, (Governor of
the Territory of Michigan which then included Wisconsin) determined to remove
Black Hawk's band "dead or alive" to across the Mississippi. Black Hawk refused to go insisting that the
land had not been sold, that they had planted corn and that it was too late to
plant more somewhere else. The Indians
were promised corn to replace what they would have harvested from that which
they had planted. In June the Federal
troops which Reynolds had asked for arrived.
They assailed the Sauk village only to find that it had been deserted by
the Indians the night before.
On June 30 under the shadow of the superior
United states army, and prompted by the persuasion of Keokuk, Black Hawk signed
a treaty agreeing to the 1804 cession and agreed to move west of the
Mississippi. (Black Hawk later said that
he signed to give his band corn to eat in place of what they had left growing
in the field. The corn given was
inadequate. Their women and children
were hungry and to satisfy them the braves had gone in the night to steal corn
from their own fields.)
Governor Reynolds was disconcerted to learn
that the settlers were digging up the bones in the old Indian graveyard and
burning them.
The Winnebagoes were vitally interested in
the Sauks and their relationship to the Americans. They sympathized with them for the intrusions
of the whites, but like the Sauk chiefs the Winnebago chiefs advocated peace.
An Indian known as the Winnebago Prophet,
thought to be half Sauk, half Winnebago, was the head man of a small village on
the Rock River. The inhabitants of his
village operated a ferry used by whites going to the lead mines. He had a great religious following among the
Winnebagoes and was also influential among the Sauks and Fox. He was younger than Black Hawk, but like
Black Hawk was originally conscientious, desiring to lead a good moral life,
willing to be friendly and peaceful with the whites, but stubbornly maintaining
what he considered his rights. Like
Black Hawk he was rejected by the chiefs of his tribe. His small band of several hundred mixed
Winnebago and Sauk Indians lived on the border between the two tribes.
Little is known of his teachings except
that he advocated a return to moral purity among the Indians, and that he
claimed to have prophetic visions. These
visions were said to include divine promises that the Rock River Indians would
not be dispossessed. He maintained that
the Americans were bound to respect the rights of Indians by the Treaty of
Ghent, which they (the Americans) had signed at the end of the War of 1812,
In 1827 The Prophet had been invited by the
Sauks to winter with themm on the lower Rock River. During the winter of 1831-32 The Prophet sent
two mesengers to invite Black Hawk and his band to live with him at his
village. Very early in April he let the
Sauk and Fox Indian agent know this. He
was informed that the 1831 treaty prohibited those tribes from crossing the Mississippi
and that he too might be ordered from his village by the whites if he received
them.
The winter of 1831-32 was very hard on
Black Hawk's band. Heavy winter snows
had hampered their hunting. This loss of
meat combined with the loss of their cornfields the previous summer left them
with very little to eat. On April 5,
believing that he was justifably right and that he had the support of other
tribes of Indians and of the British, Black Hawk led his band across the
Mississippi. It was estimated at about
1,000 Indians, half of whom were women and children. They were carrying with them the furs and
skins taken in their winter hunt. They
proceded up the east side of the river with women, children and heavy baggage
in canoes and the men on horseback. They
turned up the Rock River and reached The Prophet's village on April 20. Though there had been no murders, stealing or
property destruction, they received a formal demand from Gen. Atkinson to
recross the Mississippi. Black Hawk
replied that he was peaceable and would not return. He decided to accept an earlier invitation
from a few of the Winnebagoes living farther up the Rock. This invitation was rescinded. The Winnebago chiefs said they had no
objection to the Black Hawk band "making corn" at The Prophet's
village but did not wish them to ascend the Rock any farther. The Potawatomis also refused to supply corn
or to help. The only thing the band
could do was to go back.
During the first half of May Black Hawk
made plans to descend the Rock River, but with the militia down stream they
dared not descend for fear of being annihilated.
On May 14 an undisciplined detachment of
Illinois militia, under Major Isaiah Stillman, made camp about eight miles
below Black Hawk's camp. Black Hawk sent
three unarmed men under a white flag to meet them and discuss holding a
council. Many of the soldiers were
drunk, some mistrusted the truce flag, and none understood the Sauk language. They ignored the white flag and seized the
three as hostages. Frightened by seeing
Indian observers on the hill, they opened fire on the hostages, only one of
whom escaped. They stampeded after the
Indians almost to their camp. Black Hawk
and his men, angered by this treachery, attacked Stillman's men in what Black
Hawk himself condiered a suicide charge.
Only a few dozen Indians engaged in this battle as most of the warriors
were out hunting at the time. The vastly
superior white force upon seeing the charging braves, fled in panic, spreading
word that Black Hawk had ambushed them with 2,000 warriors.
Black Hawk scattered his band into small
groups and took the women and children up the Rock River to the Lake Koshkonong
area where they were somewhat safe from attack and could forage for desparately
needed food. For several months he and
his warriors raided settlements along the Wisconsisn-Illinois frontier. Around two hundred whites and maybe as many
Indians lost their lives in these border raids.
The army lost the trail of the Indians as
they passed through marshy unmapped country.
They build a blockhouse at Fort Atkinson. On a return trip from Fort Winnebago, where
they had gone to obtain supplies, a detail discovered the fugitives' trail.
The vastly superior force of volunteer
militia and regular United States army troops pursued Black Hawk. He and his band fled through the Madison area
but were overtaken while attempting to cross the Wisconsin River on July 21,
1832, at the Battle of Wisconsin Heights.
The braves held back the Americans while the tribe crossed. The next morning a brave made a surrender
speech in the Winnebago language, but there was no one in the American camp who
understood it. The Indians again fled.
Black Hawk divided his people into two
groups. One group obtained canoes and
rafts from friendly Winnebagoes and proceeded down the Wisconsin River to
Iowa. Most of them were captured or shot
by soldiers from Prairie du Chien. The
other group fled overland toward the Mississippi, pursued by the combined
forces of General Atkinson, General Henry and Major Dodd. Their only hope was to outrun their
pursuers. The old, the sick and the
starving dropped along the way. They
left behind them a trail of blankets, cooking pots, farm tools, old people and dead horses. The trail was also marked by slashed trees
where the Indians had taken the bark to eat.
At the Mississippi River the Indians were
met by the steamboat "Warrior".
Black Hawk again attempted to surrender but the captain of the
"Warrior" chose to think it was a trick and opened fire. As the infantry arrived behind the Indians
they forced men, women and children into the river at bayonet point. Many drowned, others were picked off by
sharpshooters. A band of Sioux, having
received word from General Atkinson, waited on the opposite bank and killed
most of thsose who had managed to swim across.
Of the thousand Indians who had crossed the
Mississippi with Black Hawk four months before only about 150 survived.
At the time of the Black Hawk war at least
some of the Indians who had lived at Little Green Lake in 1814 and 1827 were
living at Portage. They knew the
officers at Fort Winnebago and were friendly to them. But they were also friends of the Sauks. In July, 1832, ten families started out from
Portage on their summer's hunt. A messenger
came into their camp with the news of Black Hawk, and that the Sauks were
heading toward them. Although they were
told the Sauks were friendly, they also knew that some Winnebagoes were with
the Americans, and felt that if the Sauks were driven into Winnebago hunting
grounds they might be revengeful. As
these Winnebagoes had left old people and women at Portage, they returned
there. Other hunting parties also
returned upon hearing the news from runners.
Black Wolf and Dandy were among the principal chiefs there.
Upon learning of the Battle of Wisconsin
Heights, the Winnebagoes feared that Black Hawk would consider them enemies and
would attack them at Portage. Winnebago
sympathy was with the whites and felt bound to them by trading interests and treaties,
but they did not want to fight old friends.
Some wanted to move out of the way but others wanted to stay. They argued between themselves until the
danger passed.
After the battle of Bad Axe some
Winnebagoes living in the area of western Wisconsin went on their fall
hunt. One day a party of young men
happened upon the camp of Black Hawk.
Knowing that the Americans had ordered all Winnebagoes to capture the
Sauk chief, they were uncertain what they should do. They returned to their own camp without
revealing themselves to the Sauks. The
Winnebago village held a council which lasted all night and all the next
day. The day after the council three
young men were asked to go to Black Hawk, tell him that the Winnebagoes had
been ordered by General Street, the Indian agent at Prairie du Chien to take
him whenever they saw him and bring him to Fort Crawford.
When the three Winnebagoes delivered this
message to Black Hawk they advised him to go peaceably and doubtless he would
not be harmed. Black Hawk answered,
"You want us to be killed by the whites; as you so wish it, we will
go."
A number of Winnebago warriors went with
Black Hawk and the Sauk warriors who camped with him to Prairie du Chien and
surrendered him to general Street.
Black Hawk was taken on a tour through the
eastern states to impress upon him with the power of the United States
government, and prove how useless it was to fight against them. When he met General Jackson in Washington,
Black Hawk stated, "The white men
do not scalp the heads, but they do worse--they poison the heart." He was released in June, 1833, and died in
October of that year on a small reservation in Iowa that had been given to his
tribe.
Shortly after his release Black Hawk had
dictated an autobiography to explain his actions. He told of being lied to and tricked by both
whites and other Indians. When he
crossed the Mississippi in April, 1832, he mistakenly believed that if they
returned in peace and showed evidence of their desire to raise crops and be
left alone, the whites would not object.
After he had been attacked at Stillman's Run he felt duty bound by the
warrior's code to defend his followers.
Eighty percent of the Sauk/Fox Indians
under leaders like Keokuk had kept peace with the United States government, yet
as a ressult of pressure applied by negotiators, they ceded (on September 21,
1832, a little more than a month after Black Hawk's defeat) a strip of land
known as the Black Hawk Purchase. It was
much of the best tribal land and included the rich lead deposits near
Dubuque. The tribes received about $.10
an acre for it--about $4.00 for each Indian.
CHAPTER 28
IMPACT OF THE BLACK HAWK WAR ON THE
WINNEBAGOES
The impact of the Black Hawk War had far
reaching resultsd on the history of the Bluffton area. It further impresed upon the Winnebagoes
living there the futility of resisting the advancement of white
frontiersmen. In September, 1832, a
month after Black Hawk's defeat, the Winnebagoes ceded all their land south and
east of the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers. They
received one and a fraction cent per acre for it. Thus Bluffton was no longer legally owned by
Indians, but by the United States government.
Only seven years before the Winnebagoes had claimed land as far south as
Rock Island in Illinois and as far east as Lake Winnebago. After this cession their only land left east
of the Mississippi was what they had claimed north and west of the Wisconsin
River.
But the Black Hawk War had another
devastating effect on the Indians near Bluffton. General Winfield Scott had been sent from the East to help General
Atkinson. The war was over by the time
these troops arrived in Wisconsin, but they had spread the dreaded cholera from
the Atlantic coastal states to Detroit, Chicago and the Wisconsin
frontier. The epidemic took a terrible
toll of lives. At the same time small
pox raged through the Indian population.
In 1834 it was estimated that one-fourth of the Winnebagoes had fallen
victim to this dreaded disease. When it
raged through the Winnebago village at Green Lake, the inhabitants fled down
the Fox River, leaving their dead and dying behind, trying to excape the
terrible malady. They returned after the
epidemic subsided.
The utter defeat of the Indians in the
Black Hawk War, and Indian land cessions about that time opened up the southern
part of Wisconsin to settlement.
At the time that Fort Winnebago was being
built a tribe of Winnebago Indians had a village eight miles south of the
portage with an estimated number of lodges of over a hundred. Their chief was a grandson of Sebrevois and
Glory-of-the-Morning called Old Decorah or War Eagle. He was very dignifed, plain but neatly
dressed with a courteous manner. He was
bald but had a tuft of long silvery hair falling back on his shoulders which he
kept neatly tied. The winter of 1831-32 was severe. Heavy snows hampered hunting. Old Decorah went to the portage to ask for
food for his tribe. Someone offered him
flour for his family. He refused saying
that if his people could not be fed he would starve with them.
In 1836 the commander at Fort Howard sent
investigators south of the Fox-Wisconsin Rivers. They reported that the Winnebagoes were
extremely poor, their traders kept only whiskey in exchange for furs, and they
had to steal food and provisions in order to survive.
In 1837 a delegation was sent to Washington
by Governor Henry Dodge. The delegation
included Yellow Thunder (who had been to Washington once before), One Eyed
Decorah (also known as Big Canoe) and Waukon Decorah.
They had been told only that the purpose of
the trip was to get acquainted with the "Great Father". The real reason was to persuade them to sign a
treaty giving up their land. The Indians
refused to sign saying they had not received authority from their nation to do
so, and asked that they be returned home.
Instead they were forced to sign against their will by being kept in
Washington until they had signed.
On November 1, 1837, at Washington, the
Winnebago chiefs signed away all their land east of the Mississippi and agreed
to move across the Mississippi. They
understood that they could continue to live on their land for "eight
years." The treaty actually said
"eight months" but no one had told them "eight months."
The members of the Winnebago Nation were
indignant at the injustice, felt that they had been tricked, and continued to
frequent their old grounds. Yellow
Thunder asserted that he would not leave.
Only a few tribes had crossed the Mississippi when General Atkinson
received order to move the rest.
The soldiers believed that Yellow Thunder
was planning a revolt. He was lured to a
meeting at Portage. When he arrived he
was put in irons and held until he was forcefully taken to Iowa.
In 1840 a force of more than a thousand men
moved the Winnebagoes across the river into Iowa where Fort Atkinson was built
and a new Winnebago Indian agency was established. Some of the Winnebagoes fell o their knees
begging the soldiers to kill them as they would rather die and be buried with
their ancestors than go beyond the Mississippi.
Others knelt and kissed thr ground crying before obeying orders to move.
These woodland people were expected to
survive on a dry open plain, where dust storms blew daily, where not even grass
grew well, where there was no water for their crops, no wood for homes or fuel,
and no game. Their only neighbors were
the Sioux, their bitter enemies. The
promised farming equipment did not come.
If it had it would have been useless in such an area.
Many of the Winnebagoes, homesick for
Wisconsin and afraid of the Sioux, wandered back. It was said that Yellow Thunder reached Portage before the troops who took him away
returned.
As white settlers wanted their lands, the
Indians were shifted from place to place, from Iowa to the Minnesota River,
from there to Eagle Creek, Minnesota, from there to Crow Creek, South Dakota,
eventually ending up on a reservation in Nebraska. Many died of disease. They were kept on the reservation only by
force. About as many came back to
Wisconsin as those who reached the reservation.
Those who returned lived as fugitives.
Spoon Decorah, son of Old Decorah and
grandson of the other Spoon Decorah, tried very hard to seek help for his
people. He went to Madison several
times. He asked Governor Rusk to ask the
president of the United States not to take away Indian land, the
streams and woods where
their fathers hunted and trapped.
CHAPTER 29
OWNERSHIP OF LAND
The Indians did not view ownership of land
in the same way as the Americans and this caused much difficulty when the
United States sought to acquire Indian lands.
The hunting grounds of the Winnebagoes, like those of the Sauks and Fox,
were tribally, not individually owned. A
tribal council decided each year where each hunter should go. Taken into consideration were the location of
the trading posts, the state of peace or war in the area, and the rotation of
areas for the purpose of conservation.
The Indians realized that the continuouss taking animals could kill off
the species, but by restricting hunting and trapping the desired animals could
maintain reproduction. The Indians
recognized tribal boundaries and had definite ideas of who could rightfully
hunt in what places. Friendly tribes
might hunt the same area by agreement.
They could win or lose hunting grounds by war, they could abandon them
or they could move into a region if found vacant. The women owned the lodges and cornfields,
but the tribal goverment retained the right to regulate the use of tribal
hunting grounds.
The Indians were familiar with the earlier
French and British practice of making formal claims to vast territories without
dispossessing the native population or encroaching on any of their rights or
previous activities. They did not
understand the American system of a permanent, individual ownership or realize
that in ceding their lands they would be so completely dispossessed.
Although the tribal council made the formal
decision to cede land it was necessary to have the permission of the tribe as a
whole to so act. Whenever there was a
treaty council between whites and Indians, a large assembly of Indian men,
women and children gathered near by that the Indian council might receive their
permission to accept or reject the proposed treaty after the treaty terms had
been presented at the general council.
In 1831 Sauk and Fox women claimed that the 1804 treaty was not valid
because the women, who owned the corn fields, had not agreed to the sale nor
had they even been consulted.
In his autobiography Black Hawk stated his
belief that land cannot be sold, but rather that it was given to His children
by the Great Spirit, to live upon, to cultivate and to use. As long as people occupy and cultivate it,
they have a right to the soil, but if they willingly leave it, then others may
come and use it, but it cannot be sold--only things that can be carried away
can be sold.
When France granted land to French settlers
along the Fox River at Green Bay, no rectangular system was followed. Each grantee received so many arpents of land
along the river running as deep as desired--as much as a league or so. (An arpent was about 200 feet. The word "arpent" could also be ba
measure of area; an arpent being a little over an acre.) This resulted in many pie-shaped and
odd-shaped plots. The earliest French
settlers were not disposed to seek out the best land regardless of how lonely
it might be. Their social life was as
essential to their comfort and happiness as food and clothing. They wanted their cottage or cabin near the
river close to each other to enjoy the social advantages of village life. As the population density increased and the
residents desired to subdivide, the odd shapes caused confusion and
inconvenience.
Bluffton was saved from such a
disorganizing way of platting by the orderly arrangement of the rectangular
system set forth in one of the earlies ordinances of the Continental Congress. This act forming the "Land System of the
United States" bcame a law May 7, 1785 and provided for the surveying and
disposing of the public domain. The
rectangular system of survey adopted by this ordinance has served well for its
accuracy and for its convenience.
All land surveyed is measured for its
distance north or south of one of the
designated base lines, and east or west of one of the designated prime
meridians. After these base and meridian
lines are established, the territory is divided into land description townships
which are six miles square.
When the Black Hawk War and Indian cessions
opened up the entire southern part of Wisconsin to settlement as far as the
Wisconsin-Fox River line, that region was fully surveyed into townships and
sections in only four years, 1832-1836.
Bluffton is in section 7 of that township which is the sixteenth
township north of the base line which divides Wisconsin and Illinois, and is in
the thirteenth range of townships east of the fourth principal meridian which
runs north and south through central Wisconsin a short distance west of Madison
and through Reedsburg.
Yellow Thunder, who became head chief of
the Winnebago nation, was fortunate to understand ownership of property. Few Winnebagoes did. Sometime after he returned to Portage from
Iowa he went to the Land Office at Mineral Point and took a land patent on
forty acres in Sauk County, located on the west side of the Wisconsin River
about eight miles above the portage. As
land owners, he and his wife could not be sent away. Yellow thunder lived on his land the rest of
his life. A few other Winnebago families
also lived there. They built log homes
and raised corn, beans and potatoes.
Hundreds of Winnebagoes came each year to celebrate for a week on Yellow
Thunder's "acres." In a
deerskin pouch he placed a kernel of corn for every dollar he paid in
taxes. Shortly before he died in 1874 he
sold the land for as many dollars as he had kernels of corn.
CHAPTER 30
SETTLERS
During the first quarter of the nineteenth
century a great westward migration began across the Appalacians. There were a number of factors contributing:
the American victory in the War of 1812; the building of the national road and
other highways; the development of the steamboat along with the completion of
the Erie Canal in 1825; the depleted soil of the long settled land; and the
disturbed economic and social conditions.
Streams of settlers from New England, New York and the middle Atlantic
states traversed the Erie Canal and continued westward by wagon, sailboat or
steamer.
In 1820 Wisconsin was still unnamed. In 1800 it had been made a part of the
Indiana Territory, and in 1818 a part of the Michigan Territory. It was still regarded as a fur-trading
region, the habitat of the wild beast and untamed Indians, inaccessible by
road. Many Easterners mistakenly
considered prairie lands not very fertile because they did not produce
trees. Its land had not yet been surveyed. The federal census of 1820 reported 651
civilians and 804 military (soldiers, with their wives, children and servants)
living in what is now Wisconsin. Green
Bay and Prairie du Chien were the only villages. A few isolated settlers lived on the route
between them.
When the nineteenth century dawned the
Green Bay village had horses of the small, hardy "Canadian"
breed. They also had hogs, cattle and
fowls. In the late 1700s Pierre Grignon
had purchased seven head of sheep at Macinac and brought them to Green Bay where they
increased rapidly. They raised potatoes,
garden vegetables, spring wheat and some oats.
By 1830 settlers were pushing into the lead
mining region and around fur trading and military establishments. Some kinds of game like elk and buffalo were
already depleted and beaver nearly so.
The "fine" furs like marten, fisher and otter were no longer
plentiful, though their smaller relatives, the mink and muskrat were still
abundant. In the 1830s muskrats
accounted for 95% of the furs shipped from the Wisconsin area with deer skins
second. Most of the goods traded for
furs (blankets, cloth, knives and guns) were manufactured in Europe.
While furs were the main commodity, traders
bought many other articles including feathers, wild rice, maple sugar, beeswax,
ginseng root, mats and "Indian curiosities."
The devastating defeat of the Indians in
the Black Hawk War and the acquiring of Indian lands in its wake eliminated the
fears of Indian uprisings in southern Wisconsin and opened up the region to
settlement. As the fur trade dwindled
the traders acquired new interests. Not
only mining but lumbering, land speculation and townsite promotion attracted
them.
By 1836 all land south and east of the
Fox-Wisconsin line had been surveyed, ready for sale, and immigration
invited. The financial crash of 1837
reduced many families in the East to bankruptcy. They sought new homes and new opportunities
to build their fortunes. Some came over
the Great Lakes and up the rivers.
Others came overland--the first ones over Indian trails or making their
own trails.
The first trails were made by animals going
to a watering place of grazing ground.
As they followed the path of least resistance in a more or less direct
passage they were followed by Indians.
By the time Wisconsin was opened to settlement many trails criss-crossed
the country.
But traveling these trails was difficult
and dangerous. The settlements of Green
Bay and Prairie du Chien were far from places of government authority. In fact, that authority shifted frequently as
new states were formed and territories rearranged. It was hard to find literate citizens who
would remain in one place long enough to be appointed to civil offices.
In 1829 Judge James Duane Doty and two
attorneys rode on horseback from Green Bay to Prairie du Chien, the first known
journey across Wisconsin by land.
The United States had established Fort
Howard at Green Bay, Fort Crawford at Prairie du Chien and Fort Winnebago at
Portage. The Fox Wisconsin waterway connected
them, but there was a great demand for a road between them, both for rapid land
transit of Military men and their baggage, and for travel of civilian settlers
and traders. In 1832, during the Black
Hawk War when national concern for security was at its highest, Congress
appropriated $5,000 for surveying a road to connect these three forts. The commandants of the forts were put in
charge of the road construction, each in their own jurisdiction, the military men
doing the work.
The military road had to be built south of
the Fox River as the Indian title to lands north of it had not yet been
"quieted." It followed Indian
trails along the higher ridges where the wind tended to sweep away snow in
winter, and where it avoided spring floods and muddy marshes found along the
Fox River. It avoided if possible heavy
woods, large river crossings, hills and swamps.
It led from Green Bay down along the high ridge east of Lake Winnebago,
curved toward the west passing south of Green Lake to Fort Winnebago, dipped
southerly toward Madison, then westerly south of the Wisconsin River, and
crossed that river near Prairie du Chien.
This Military Road was the first public improvement in Wisconsin. It was surveyed and built at federal expense
while Wisconsin was still a part of Michigan Territory. By the time it was finished in 1837 the
sections first completed were deteriorating and improvements were made from
time to time until 1845. It was little
more than a lane through timber and a pathway over prairie, but streams were
bridged and swamps ditched. This
military route was passable in more kinds of weather than a route along the the
rivers, but the route along the rivers was shorter and more desireable when the
weather was good.
The route close to and along the south side
of the Fox River became a well developed pathway which crossed the Puckyan
River just above the Rapids at Bluffton.
In 1853 the Wisconsin Gazatteer stated "The roads from
Sheboygan to La Crosse, from Green Bay to Fort Winnebago, and from Oshkosh to
the Upper Fox River all cross the rapids at this place" [Bluffton]. Bluffton had become an important crossroad..
CHAPTER 31
THE BLUFFTON MILL
"The mill-streams that turn the
clappers of the world arise in solitary places." Helps
In addition to being a crossroad and
accessible by water, Bluffton had another feature attractive to speculators and
settlers. It had a rapids. True, the rapids were not large, but any
rapids that could power a mill was welcome in an area where the Fox flowed for
one hundred and four miles with a total fall of only 33.1 feet (measurements
between Oshkosh and Fort Winnebago as surveyed by United states army engineers
in 1866.)
Just when the grist mill was built at
Bluffton we do not know except that it was sometime between 1847 and 1853. An 1875 atlas of Green Lake County states,
"The nearest grist mill till 1847 was at Watertown or Columbus. Ten days to two weeks time was no unusual
thing for a trip to the mill."
Anson Dart and John C. Sherwood built saw and grist mills in Dartford
(now the City of Green Lake) in 1847.
The Wisconsin Gazatteer for 1853 states "Bluffton * * * the
rapids afford a fine water power. It has
1 hotel, 1 mill, and a congregational and methodist denomination."
The Hadley Mill (later called the Bluffton
Mill) was built on one of the "forties" patented to Clark P. Hadley
on June 1, 1848. The 1850 census for the
Town of Brooklyn lists Clark P. Hadley, the son of Moses P. Hadley, as 12 years
old in June of that year, two years after he had acquired title to the
land. (When an abstract was written for
this land in 1885 no patent was on record.
The abstract stated "by certified plat from the Land office (not
recorded) it appears that the E 1/2 of NE 1/4 Sec. 7, Township 16 North Range
Thirtten East was entered by Clark P. Hadley.") It is almost a certian conclusion that it was
Moses who planned and executed the building of the mill.
According to a diagram drawn by C. Palmer,
a civil engineer who surveyed the premises of the Hadley mill site in March,
1879, the water wheel was horizontal and submerged.
This type of mill wheel had not been used
much in the original colonies. East of
the Appalachians, especially in New England, the waters come tumbling down the
mountains on short courses to the sea, producing many good mill sites. In such places a vertical water wheel was
more advantageous. Where the fall of
water was not great the verticle wheels were vulnerable to obstruction by
backwater, especially during floods. A
water wheel that would run submerged was more releable in situations of floods
and backwater.
Such wheels were not very well known in the
United States, but had been used extensively in southern France where the
mountains are older, the land more level and the streams flow gently to the
sea. There wheels had a low efficiency
but were simple and solid. Their
greatest advantage being that they were able to work while submerged as long as
there was a marked difference of the level of the water before and after it
passed through the wheel. Wheels of this
type were forerunners of the modern turbines now widely used on the lower Fox
River.
In April 1861, Clark Payson Hadley signed a
warranty deed to eighty acres of land, including Hadley's Mill, in favor of
Moses Payson Hadley. Dr. Hadley then
owned the mill in name as well as having possession of it.
During the Civil War there was a great
interest in the Fox-Wisconsin waterway.
The War Department wanted larger battleships to pass between the Great
Lakes and the Mississippi. To accomodate
vessels having larger draughts, continuous dredging was maintained on the Fox
River, and wing dams with locks were recommended to be built to deepen the
channel. In 1866 an army engineer
reported that the depth of the Fox River above Berlin (except for a single bar)
was five to six feet, until the mouth of the Puckyan was reached.
Just above its mouth was a short bar with three and a half feet of
water. Another bar like it was at the
lower end of Willow Bend. At the mouth
of the White River there was a bad bar
with only three feet of water. To have
built high dams with locks of great lift would overflow too much property, so
it was recommended that low wing dams of about three feet be built and then
lower the bed of the stream by dredging.
When these wing dams were built it meant
ruin for Hadley's Mill. The rise of the
height of the water in the Fox, though small, backed up into the Puckyan. Water rose half way up the flume of the mill,
effectively cutting the water power in half.
The usefulness of the mill was practically destroyed. In order to restore the utility of the mill,
a dam was built across the Puckyan in November, 1877, thus maintaining a
sufficient head of water to run the water wheel. This rise in the water level flooded land
along the river upstream.
In February, 1878, Dr. Hadley deeded the
mill site, a lot 66 feet by 132 feet to Harriet Amelia Hadley, Clark P.
Hadley's wife.
On March 27, 1879, Shubal D. Owen, who
owned land upstream from the mill, filed a lawsuit in Green Lake Circuit Court
against Moses P. Hadley, Clark P. Hadley and Harriet A. Hadley. He charged that they had built and erected a
dam in and across the stream, eight feet or thereabouts in height, a short
distance below, and downstream from the plaintiff's lands, where the defendants
had wrongfully kept a grist mill, and that for more than one year had wrongfully
kept up and maintained the dam, for the purpose of raising the water in the
stream to a sufficient head to work or run said grist mill by water. He charged that in maintaining the dam, they
had caused his land to be overflowed for more than a year, rendering it
valueless, depriving him of its use and profits, the value of which was three
hundred dollars per year had its use not been destroyed.
The next day the summons and complaint were
served on C. P. & H. A. Hadley, but no court action seems to have occurred
for over a year.
Meanwhile in December, 1879, Harriet Hadley
and her husband signed a warranty deed for a half interest in the mill, the
mill site and its appurtenances, the machinery and the mill wheel to John N.
Freeling. In February, 1880, they sold
the other half interest to Geo. M. Stowe.
In December of the year John M. Stowe bought both half interests in the
mill.
When the case came up in January term of
Circuit Court in 1881, E. C. Miller, Sheriff of Green Lake County, certified
that "Moses P. Hadley is a resident of the Town of Brooklyn, in [Green
Lake County] and that I have made proper and dilligent efforts to serve the
within summons and annexed complaint upon him, but that such defendant cannot
be found within my County, so that service of the same can be made personally
upon him, by such proper dilligence and effort."
The trial was postponed. The following men had been subpoened as
witnessess on the part of the plaintiff: A. L. Palmer, David Wilson, Michael
Shear, Charles Baird, J. M. Southworth, G. E. Overton, Benj. F. Bodle,
Johnathan Bodle, Ezra Parker, Wm. Bodle and C. Palmer. They were paid at the rate of $1.50 per day
plus six cents a mile for traveling to the courthouse.
On February 5, 1881, Harriet and Clark
Hadley signed a testimony that they had "no interest whatsoever present or
prospective in the water power at Bluffton, Green Lake County, Wisconsin or
Hadley's Rapids, so called, and never had any further than we rented the
water and paid for the use thereof by the year, and never expect to have unless
we buy it; and up to this date we have not bought it and do not expect to. Dr. M. P. Hadley at the date of these
presents is sole owner and proprietor of said water power and always has
been. The mill at Bluffton or Hadley's
Rapids, so called, is located on the lot adjoining that on which the water
power is located. The mill lot on which
the mill stands lies below the dam. The
lot on which the water power is located includes the dam and hand gates above
the mill. The mill building and the lot
sixty-six feet by one hundred and thrity-two feet was bought independant and
separate from the water power and the lot on which it is located, therefore we
have no claim in law or equity or otherwise in said water power or the lot on which it is located in consequence of having
bought said mill building and the lot on which it stands. The appurtenances belonging to the mill
extend no further than the bounds of said mill lot and there they end. The appurtenances belonging to the water
power, the dam, the head gates, and the right of flowing belong exclusively to
the water power and the lot on which it is located, and it was expressly
understood by both contracting parties that the sale of the mill did not
include the water to run said mill, we having no ownershp in said water power
and never had and we hereby deny having gained any ownership in said water
power by reason of buying said mill and the lot on which it stands, and no
party or parties owning said mill can use the water constituting said water
power without paying rent for the same to M. P. Hadley, the owner of said water
power. This document was signed in
Portage City, Columbia County.
The next June (1881) John M. Stowe sold the
mill to J. P. Pallansch. In October of
that year J. P. Pallansch sold it to Peter Pallansch.
In the January term of the Circuit Court
for Green Lake County, 1882, the case came up for trial. Important parties did not show. It seems that none of the Hadleys appeared. Neither did the plaintiff. John C. McConnell testified that he resided
in the Town of Brooklyn, was personally acquainted with the Plainteff [S. D.
Owen], that he had seen the plaintiff repeatedly during the last five days,
that he had been and was then confined to his bed at his dwelling, that he had
been unable to rise from his bed or turn himself over in it, and that his
sickness was, as he had been informed by Dr. Aaron Everhard of the City of
Ripon, the inflammatory rheumatism.
C. Palmer, the most important witness,
signed a deposition in Winnebago County stating that he was about to go out of
this state, not intending to return in time for the trial. He was a civil engineer and surveyor, had
been the Winnebago County Surveyor for ten years and was then a surveyor for
the Chicago & Northwestern R. R. Co.
On March 11 and 12, 1879, he had made a survey of the mill dam built by
the Hadleys, of the stream and of the property along the stream above the
dam. He testified that at the time he
took the survey, the dam had a break which was being repaired, that the water
was very rapidly being drawn off and that the waste weir was open. Between 3 p. m. March 11th and 10 a. m. March
12th the water at the dam had been drawn down .48 of a foot. The fall of water behind the dam was such that
a great deal of the surface of the valley that had been covered with water on
the 11th was exposed on the 12th. The
lowering of the water on S. D. Owen's property of .43 foot exposed to view and
practically drained from 15 to 20 acres.
It was the opinion of C. Palmer that if the water was one foot lower
than it had been on March 12th the stream would be entirely within its
banks. The crest of the dam was 7.41
feet above the floor of the flume.
Other witnesses subpoened in 1882 were:
Jon. Bodle, Wm. Bodle, Ezra Parker, A. L. Palmer, Benj. F. Bodle. Michael
Shear, Chas. L. Baird, Elmer Owen, James Baird, Perkins, L. D. Patterson and H.
B. Law. On January 9, 1882 the jury
(William Stewart, foreman) rendered its verdict in favor of the palintiff. They assessed the past damages for the
overflowed lands described in the complaint at $75.00 for each year for three
years, the annual damages for the future as long as the dam was maintained at
the same height at $75.00 per year, and a gross sum for all damages to be
thereafter occassioned by such use of the dam and the right of maintaining and
using it forever in the same manner of $1,050.00. Thus S. D. Owen was awarded $225.00 for the
three years that his land had been overflowed.
He was also awarded $104.66 and interest for court costs. The judgement created a lien upon the mill,
the mill dam and their appurtenances.
The Hadleys did not pay this judgement against them.
After the April, 1882, General Term of the
Circuit Court in Oshkosh for Winnebago County a special term for Green Lake
County was held. Finch & Barber,
attorneys for S. D. Owen, secured an order that execution issue against the
defendants in favor of the plaintiff in accordance with the terms of the
judgement.. This order was dated Oct.
17, 1882. Three days later on October
20, Peter Pallansch signed a Quit Claim Deed to the mill site in favor of Moses
P. Hadley for the sum of one dollar. On
October 23 just six days later, a sheriff's sale was held on the court house
steps for the "mill and mill dan and thereon appurtenances and all the
machinery therein contained together with the land under and adjoining the same
* * * which said defendants had March 27, 1879, or which they or their assigns
have since acquired." It was sold
to S. D. Owen for the sum of $387.51, that being the amount due and he being
the highest and best bidder. The amount
due was the sum of: the judgement, $329.66; the execution, $.75; the interest,
$21.00;the cost of the sale, $35.85; and the cost of filing the Certificate of
Sale, $.25. The Sheriff's Certificate of
Sale was dated December 13, 1882, and signed by S. J. Ellis, Sr., Sheriff of
Green County..
S. D. Owen signed a deed in favor of Moses
P. Hadley for one dollar; Dr. Hadley had his property back, apparently without
dam or mill machinery. Upon Dr. Hadley's
death the property was inherited by his daughter, Harriet Josephine
Hadley. In January, 1885, she sold the
property known as the "Bluffton Farm" which included the mill and dam
sites to L. D. Patterson. The deed she
gave him specifically excepted transferring title to the mill wheel. The author does not know what became of that
wheel or the mill machinery.
There are some interesting sidelights to
this story. The complaint that S. D.
Owen filed through his lawyers does not name the Puckyan as such but calls it
"a creek or stream of water, known as the outlet to Green Lake, which is
not navigable."
Not navigable? Did not the law define streams as
"non-navigable" only when they could not float a saw log? Had not the Indians canoed back and forth
freely on the Puckyan between the Fox River and Green Lake? Had not Anson Dart (for whom Dartford was
named) traveled to Green Lake from Green Bay by way of the Fox and Puckyan
Rivers?
The explanation shows the attitudes and
concerns of different historical periods.
The first water laws affecting this region were written in the Northwest
Ordinance of 1787. At that time the
region that later became Wisconsin had no roads, not even wagon trails. The only highways were the rivers and
streams. Water transportation was
protected by declaring that all navigable waters flowing into the Great Lakes
or the Mississippi were common highways to be forever free, not to be confined
by dams or any other structures that would interfer with free passage over
them. It was then that the test of
floating a saw log was written into a law for this area.
By the nineteenth century times had
changed. Wagon trails were rapidly being
displaced by roads and railroads. They
displaced the streams as highways.
Settlers needed grain ground more than they needed water
transportation. The attitude grew that
any man who first erected a mill in a new section of the country was a public
benefactor.
In 1840 Wisconsin's Territorial legislature
passed the Mill Dam Act granting in effect the right of eminent domain to mill
owners. They could build dams which
flooded property belonging to others.
Those whose property was overflowed had no legal means of stopping such
flowage, but could only attempt to collect just compensation. Neither could he demand at once the full
value of the land of which he was deprived but only the yearly damage as
determined by a jury. If the mill owner
wished to operate permanently he could opt to pay the "gross damage"
which the land owner would have to accept in payment for the land taken away
from him. Note that S. D. Owen had not
tried to stop the flooding of his land by securing an injunction, but tried
only to collect damages.
The 1840 law applied only to non-navigable
streams. Milling became so much more
important than water transportation that the log test was very much
disregarded. At least one Wisconsin
Supreme Court reasoned that a stream that couldn's float a saw log could hardly
power a mill, and that the 1840 law was not intended to be closely
interpreted. S. D. Owen and his lawyers
in calling the Puckyan non-navigable were not denying its use by small boats,
but only acknowledging the prevailing attitude and custom of their time that a
mill had a right to be there on that stream.
CHAPTER 32
FOX RIVER IMPROVEMENTS
The pressure of arriving settlers and
security concerns created agitation for improvements to the Fox-Wisconsin
waterway as well as for the Military Road.
Demands included a bridge over the Fox at Green Bay, a dam at De Pere
and various canals, especially one between the two rivers mentioned.
The War Department took great interest in
these improvements which would facilitate the movement of troops and supplies,
and also to protect settlers against hostile Indians. In April, 1837, a survey of the Fox was
ordered. It was made when the Upper Fox
was so overflowed that the chain was buoyed up by floats and stretched on the
surface of the water. This survey was so
hurried and inaccurat that another one was recommended.
The War Department did not particularly
favor the Fox-Wisconsin route but were open to other suggestions for
communication between the Mississippi and Lake Michigan. The survey ordered suggested three routes:
Route 1) up the Wisconsin, thence by canal across the portage to the Fox,
thence down this river to Green Bay; Route 2) up the Rock River to the head of
its natural navigation, thence by canal into the southern extremity of Lake
Winnebago, thence through this lake and lower Fox into Green Bay; and Route 3)
up the Illinois River to the head of its navigation, thence by canal along the
valley of the unnavigable part of the river to the southwestern part of Lake
Michigan.
Route 1 was recommended. Also recommended were canals 40 feet wide at
the bottom, fifty-five feet wide at the water-line and five feet deep. The lock chambers were to be one hundred ten
feet by thirty feet. Dams and locks were
to be built at the portage, Winnebago Rapids at the outlet of Lake Winnebago,
Grand Chute, Little Chute, Grand Kakalin, Rapide Croche, Little Kakalin and De
Pere.
On August 8, 1846, Congress passed an act
granting land along the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers to the State of Wisconsin (to
be effective when it was admitted to the Union.) The land granted was equal to one half of
three sections on each side for every mile of the Fox-Wisconsin waterway. It was to be sold and the money received for
it was to be used for the improvement of the waterway. The river and canal were to be forever a
public highway for the use of the Government free from any toll or charge
whatever for the transportation of mails, or for any property of the United
States, or for any persons in service of its goverment. The state could not sell the lands beyond
$20,00 until it certified to the President that half of that sum had been spent
on improvements of that waterway. It
could then sell lands sufficient to re-imburse the amount expended. The Wisconsin legislature accepted this grant
on June 29, 1848. It passed another act
in August which put the project under the direction of a "Board of Public
Works."
In 1849 contracts were made for guard and
lift locks and two sections of canal at Portage, for improvements at Winnebago
Rapids, Grand Chute, Rapide Croche and De Pere.
A steam dredge was built at a cost of $12,000 and set to work removing
bars in the Big Bend at and below Mechan Creek and cutting a new outlet to Lake
Puckaway.
In 1850 the lock at De Pere was completed
and opened for the passage of boats early in the summer, but the miter-sill was
found to be two feet too high. At Rapide
Croche the lock and section of canal were completed at considerably higher cost
than estimated. The lock had to be sunk
a foot lower and the canal made 1,000 feet longer. In April a serious breach in the dam at this
place occurred. At Cedar Rapids the dam
was completed and a large portion of the lock-pit excavated. At Little Chute the work progressed rapidly
until want of funds compelled a suspension.
At Winnebago Rapids the dam was completed and about two-thirds of the
canal excavated. The Upper Fox River was
remarkably low and dredging was employed to deepen the channel at the outlet of
Lake Puckaway and Buffalo Lake.
In 1851 the operations were carried out
under a new board of public works. The
original plan of the locks was changed so as to make locks built thereafter 160
feet by 35 feet with 5 feet on the miter-sills.
The contract for the work at Grand Kakana and Little Chute provided for
payment being made in scrip. At De Pere
the lowering of the old lock two feet was completed in May. at Rapide Croche the old dam was of brush,
and a breach occurred in it in the spring of 1850. It was entirely unsuited to the
location. It was decided to replace it
with a spar-dam. In 1851 crib-work was
carried across the river, the abutment of the east side finished and a number
of spars in their places. At the Grand
Chute the contractors were embarrassed in work by the difficulty in negotiating
the warants with which they wer paid, yet the improvement progressed
rapidly. On the Upper Fox River the
dredge had been active, performing more service than in any previous year. The Portage Canal and locks were finished and
accepted. A breach however occurred on
September 28. During a flood never before
equaled at that season of the year, the portage between the Fox and Wisconsin
became so overflowed that the waters from the Wisconsin broke through the canal
bank a short distance from the guard-lock, washing away 12 to 15 rods of the
embankment. A breach of the same extent occurred near the
other end of the canal and a third of lesser extent also occurred.
In 1852 at De Pere work was continued on
the rebuilding of the lock. At Rapide
Croche a portion of the west dam had been carried and was replaced by a
spar-dam bolted to the rock bottom. On
the Upper Fox River dredging was continued.
At the Portage Canal the right to use the water power at the lift-lock
was leased for a term of 30 years at #275 a year.
In 1853 at Great Kaukauna and Little Chute
the contractor had so far been paid entirely in scrip, and at other places
payments had been granted by certificates or warrants of indebtedness. The sale of lands had proceeded too slowly to
meet current expenses when "prosecuting the work in a proper manner,"
and an interest on the first cost was accruing to add to the amount at final
payment. A further grant of land was
also required.
Because the Constitution of Wisconsin
forbade the creation of public debt, the Board of Public Works could not spend more
than they received from the sale of land granted by Congress. As sales of these lands slowed it became
increasingly hard to pay workers, many of whom did not wish to work for scrip
that could not be cashed immediately.
To meet the needs of the case an issue of
State bonds was propsed, but this was held unconstitutional by a majority of
the legislature. The legislature
resolved to surrender the whole improvement, (the balance of the grant of
public lands remaining unsold, and hydraulic privileges of water rights for
mills, etc.) to a company that would give guarantees that the work would be
finished.
An association called the "Fox and
Wisconsin Improvement Company" comprising Otto Tank, Morgan L. Martin,
Uriah H. Peak, James G. Lawton, Theodore Conkey, Mason C. Darling, Benjamin F.
Moore and Edgar Conklin, all of Wisconsin, signed its articles of agreement on
June 1, 1853. On July 6, 1853, the
legislature granted it an act of incorporation and surrenderd to it the work of
improving the Fox-Wisconsin waterway.
The company agreeed to complete within three years improvements enabling
boats of two feet draught and a breadth of 30 feet to pass with facility during
ordinary stages of low watr from Green Bay into the Wisconsin River. It also agreed that the improvement shall in
all future times be free for the transportation of United states troops and
their munitions of war without payment of any tolls whatsoever. For the purpose of completing this work the
company resolved to issue bonds in the amount of $500,000.
The total expenditure by the State up to
the surrender was $428,855.83.
In 1853 the legislature of Wisconsin
authorized the Milwaukee and Prairie du Chien Railway Company to build three
bridges across the Wisconsin River, which authorization provided for draws of
50 feet width, and required that the stream where touched or intersected should
be restored to its former usefulness.
The bridges built under this law, however, were located entirely with
regard to the convenience of the railroad alignment. So little regard was paid to the stream that
navigation was almost cut off. The
bridge piers were maintained by such excessive use of riprap stone that it was
difficult to restore navigation without rebuilding the bridges themselves.
By November, 1854, the work at De Pere was
finished. At Little Kaukauna materials
for the dam and lock were collected. At
Rapide Croche the work was finished. At
Grand Kaukauna the work was finished except for seining the gates and graveling
the dam.
The dredge continued working on the Upper
Fox. It was 110 feet long by 28 feet
wide with a draught of 30 inches. It
removed on the average 850 cubic yards a day for a season of 170 days.
In 1854 navigation on the Upper Fox was
confined to one steamboat which ascended daily to Berlin, a distance of about
40 miles, and horse-boats and scows by means of which lumber was carried from
the Wolf River, through the Upper Fox into the Wisconsin and down the latter
stream to different markets on the Mississippi.
A steamboat made weekly trips to Montello, one hundred miles above Lake
Winnebago from Oshkosh.
In the session of 1854-55 Congress
authorized the State to select in addition to the previous grant, two sections
per mile for every mile of improvement.
The total grant amounted to five sections per mile the whole length of
the Fox River and the lakes through which it ran, a distance of about 210
miles. In consideration for this
additional land grant the 1856 Wisconsin Legislature required an increased
capacity to the improvement, so that boats drawing four feet of water could
navigate the Lower Fox, and those having a draught of three and a half feet
could use the Upper Fox. The locks were
to be 160 feet long by 35 feet wide admitting passage of boats 144 feet long by
34 feet wide.
The work of increasing the capacity of the
improvement was commenced immediately and prosecuted with energy until the
revulsion in the money-market in the fall of 1857 when it was in part
suspended.
In June, 1856, the navigation from Green Bay
to Lake Winnebago was opened but due to the dam and lock not being built at
Little Kaukauna, it was suspended in the latter part of the season.
During 1858 there was no interruption of
navigation except for a few days around the first of May when a break occurred
in the canal at Menasha. Steamboats made
their regular trips daily from Green Bay to Oshkosh and Fond du Lac. They also ran from Oshkosh to Berlin and for
a considerable portion of the year from Berlin to Montello and Packwauka and
occassionally to Fort Winnebago.
Navigation was opened April 12th and closed November 27th, making seven
and a half months which was nearly one month more than the average of New York
canals.
A report made at the end of 1858 disclosed
that on the Upper Fox the lock and dam at Montello was over half finished and
would be completed by October, 1859; the company had two dredge boats engaged
in deepening the Upper Fox at all points necessary; the lock and dam planned
for the vicinity of Princeton had been dispensed with and instead two wing-dams
were built in the vicinity of Princeton on the bars, which contracted the water
and formed a good channel over the bars; that several more wing-dams would be
built during the year between Princeton and Berlin; a dam and lock were
partially built at Montello; and a new lock had been built at Fort Winnebago on
the site of the one built by the State and sunk five feet lower than the old
lock.
At the end of 1859 work still proposed to
be done was: lengthening the lock at De Pere; enlarging canals on the Lower
Fox; graveling dams; completing the lock and dam at Montello; rebuilding the
lock at Portage; building a drawbridge at Portage; enlarging the canal at
Portage and building wing-dams on the Upper Fox at Portage.
Mr. John F. Seymour, president, reported
that the company had paid out for the State indebtedness and construction since
October 1856 better than $180,000 more than it received from the sale of land
and tolls. The select committee of the
legislature stated that they were of the opinion "that the improvement
company [had], considering the pecuniary embarrasements of the past two years
and the general depression of all kinds of business consequent thereon, done
all that could reasonably be expected."
In 1860-61-62 there was little done.
In 1863 it was proposed that the waterway
be improved to allow gun boats of six feet draught to pass uninterruptedly from
the Mississippi to Lake Michigan, and to increase the depth of the Lower Fox to
12 feet for the purpose of making Lake Michigan a naval station.
In the summer of 1866 the "Fox and
Wisconsin Improvement Company" having failed to perform fully its
agreement with the State, the trustees sold the works of improvement, lands,
franchises etc. at public sale, thereby destroying this company. The purchasers organized themselves into
"The Green Bay and Mississippi Canal Company."
CHAPTER 33
A FURROW STRAIGHT AND LONG
The Indians who planted corn and other
crops before the advent of the white man cleared their plots by burning off the
dead vegetation in the spring. This
burning produced several benefits besides clearing away dead debris; it
released vital nutrients back into the soil to be used by the new growth, and
it exposed the ground to the sun. The
increased sunlight on the blackened ground warmed the soil faster in spring.
After the spring burning the Indians
dropped seed in holes made with a sharpened stick. Cultivating was done with a sharpened stick,
or a clam shell or scapula of an animal fastened on the end of a stick.
Before the grassy plains were settled many
pioneer farmers thought that prairie soil was not very productive because trees
did not grow on it. They believed that
the best, most fertile soil was where nut trees grew, not realizing the
fertility of the rich soil that lay under the thick prairie grass. When the southern portion of Wisconsin was
being settled there came a gradual awareness of the prairie's fertility, and
the great ease of "breaking" its soil for initial planting compared
to the "breaking" of forested land.
Then they began to believe that a location containing both prairie grass
(for ease in breaking) and woodland (for logs for building and for fuel) was
considered most desirable. Such a place
was Bluffton, for while it was situated on the rolling prairie there were trees
growing along the Puckyan River. The
Indian name "Puckyan" means "little woods"--it was one of
the "oak openings" mentioned in the Jesuit Relations.
In 1800 the colonial farmer tilled the land
much as his ancestors had. His plow was
a crude wooden or iron device pulled by a single horse or ox. He weeded with a hoe. The colonists, like the Europeans before
them, had farmed only small patches.
With the equipment they had, eight or ten acres was all a family could
manage, even with the help of women and children. Never before had they known the opportunity
or need to turn the thick prairie grass that stretched "as far as the eye
could see."
The first plows used in Green Bay were
wooden having only a point of iron. They
had long plow-beams supported on small wheels in front to keep them
elevated. For a yoke, a settler lashed a
hand hewn stick across the oxen horns.
Braided bark was used for traces to pull the plow.
The first U. S. patent for a plow was taken
out in 1797 by Charles Newbold, of Burlington, New Jersey. It was the first cast iron plow known to be
made. It was found to be a good plow for
use where the soil was sandy and stony.
But there were great prejudices against it because it was believed that
the cast iron would "poison" the land and would encourage weeds to
grow.
Thomas Jefferson experimented and built
excellent plows with blade-like shares (points) that would cut under the soil,
and with curved moldboards against which the soil was lifted, turned and
pulverized. In 1788 he presented to the
Institute of France an original
mathematical treatise on the principles for constructing a moldboard plow which
would cut resistence to a minimum. It
won the gold medal of the Royal Agricultural Society of Paris that year. Afterward he presented his treatise to the
board of agriculture in England.
The Department of Agriculture Year Book for
1898 describes a plow used in the eastern states about 1820. It had an eight to ten foot beam and a four
foot landside. It required eight to ten
oxen to pull it, a man to ride the beam to keep it in the ground and a man to
follow with a heavy iron hoe to dig the baulks (ridges of land left between
furrows which were missed by the plow).
Another plow "had a 10-foot beam and 4-foot land side; your furrows
stand up like the ribs of a lean horse in the month of March. A lazy plowman may sit on the beam and count
every bout of his day's work." It
cost $5.00 a year to keep the shares and coulters fit for work. Wear on the other parts cost at least another
dollar.
As the American settlers moved westward,
they found that plowing the black prairie soils rich in organic matter was a
new experience. The prairie grass had
wire-like fibrous roots that intertwined in a thousand different turnings. As much as two-thirds of the weight of
prairie grass may be found below the ground as wide-spreading, deep roots. The initial problem was to find a plow that
could cut and turn the soil cleanly without clogging or breaking against roots
and stones.
In spite of earlier works it took until the
1840s for trial and error together with the observations of farmers and
mechanics to come to some conclusion as to the best form for the plow.
In 1837 John Deere, an Illinois blacksmith,
made a new kind of plow entirely of steel except for the braces, beam and
handles. The one piece share and
moldboard of his first steel plow was cut from a mill-saw blade and shaped over
a wooden form. This greatly improved
plow not only turned over the black prairie sods effectively but "cut by
at least one third the animal power needed to do it." Soon such plows were in great demand.
In his book, What Birds Have Done With
Me, Dr. Victor Kutchin gives a first-hand account of what it was like to
clear the woods and turn the sod along the Puckyan near Dartford. He tries to make the reader "see a real
forest with trees that sway in the wind,
whose boles are being attacked by actual wood-choppers, who make the chips fly
and the giants tremble convulsively and go crashing to earth with the boom of
cannons. This, after innumerable
repetitions, is followed by the smoking hell of flames that out-rivals the
light of the sun, and literally burns a great hole in the night. This precedes the coming of the mighty
breaking plow to turn up the virgin soil.
It is drawn by four yoke of oxen, following after each other--a great
centipede walking with many legs."
Dr Kutchin continues, "'Get up, Jerry;
Get up, Bob; Get Up, Harry;' almost sings the driver. Then the plow man shouts to him, 'Why the
devil don't you keep those leaders in line?
Do you think I'm marking out a circus ring?' Straight to the flag; 'There, that's better!'
and away they go. The small boy is in
pursuit and will never forget that first furrow. The soft, cool earth at its bottom seemed to
have a kiss and caress for his bare feet at every step. Round and round they go, the share of the
great plow, sharp as a knife, cutting off roots bigger than his leg, just like
they were cheese. But sometimes they are
too big, and the driver goes frantic and running along the line of straining
oxen, whipping, shouting, and swearing, he finds it no use, they have to leave
that particular root. Sometimes the
chain will get caught on a stump and the big plow will fairly jump out of the
ground, the plowman dropping the handles and dodging just like he was afraid of
it. ***
"They plowed six furrows around the
great field by noon, and then turned the cattle out to graze with the yokes on,
so they would not stray too far. Then
they take off the share of the plow that they call the lay, and proceed to
sharpen it by putting it in a furious fire until it is red hot; then, holding
it with pinchers on a big piece of iron, called an anvil, they pound it, and
hammer it till it makes your ears ring."
In 1870 the Oliver chilled plow came on the
market. It combined a smooth steel
surface on a tough iron base. This was a
light, durable plow with a mold board of proper shape to minimize draft and
turn the furrow. Improvements multiplied
rapidly. Local blacksmiths made many of the plows used by
early settlers. A smith who could build
good plows was kept busy and could make money.
Each had his own designs, and different plows were made for various uses.
The three-wheeled sulky or riding plow was invented. Patents proliferated. Prizes were given at Agricultural Fairs for
the best made plows turned out by the local blacksmiths.
In his 1871 diary entries L. D. Patterson
stated that they had begun to "break up our hog pasture" on the
afternoon of March 28. On April 1st he
sowed 5 acres of wheat after he had "cultivated the ground over" the
day before. This was the first wheat he
had sown that year. On April 13th he
sowed his "last piece of wheat."
It was his birthday. He was 19
years old. On April 14 he "finished
dragging out wheat ground" and planted potatoes. On May 4th he wrote, "We went to
Dartford and bought a plow (paid $12.00).
Steel moulboard and cast point and landside." The entries give no real description of the
instrument used to "break up" the land or "cultivate" it
before they bought the latest model plow on May 4th. On May 16th he plowed preparing corn
ground. Assumably he used the new plow,
but he makes no mention of how he liked it.
L. D. mentioned plow repairs in his diary
entries. On Sept. 10, 1875, he bought
two plow handles for $1.00 and two plow points for $1.50. On Oct. 5 he states, "I put two handles
in a plow where they were broken."
In April of the next year he paid 75 cts.
apiece for two plow points. In October
he again paid $1.50 for two plow shares and in November he paid "25 cts to
John Utley for plow and whiffletree repairing.
On June 4, 1877 Pattersons bought a sulky
plow for $36.00 from Whiting. (Sulky
means that it had wheels and probably a seat to sit on.)
In 1898 the Department of Agriculture
reported that "we have sulky plows, gang plows, plows combined with harrow
cultivators and with seed drills, sidehill plows, vineyard plows, beet plows,
subsoil plows, double-side plows, and lastly, what has been the aim, and seems
to be the end of the plow invention, we have the steam gang plow combined with
a seeder and harrow, which has reduced the time required for human labor (in
plowing, sowing, and harrowing) to produce a bushel of wheat, on an average
from 32.8 minutes in 1830 to 2.2 minutes at the present time. (1898)." "It has reduced the cost of human and
animal labor in plowing, seeding, and harrowing per bushel of wheat from four
cents to one cent."
CHAPTER 34 CORN - THE SYMBOL OF THE AMERICAN
PIONEER
The rose may bloom for England,
The lily for France unfold;
Ireland may honor the shamrock,
Scotland her thistle hold;
But the shield of the great
Republic,
The glory of the west,
Shall bear a stalk of the
tasselled corn--
The sun's supreme bequest!
by Edna Dean
Proctor
Freshly turned prairie sod remained rough
and hard to handle. Seed was broadcast
and seed that fell between lumps germinated at a different time and rate than
seed that fell on top of a clod. The
smaller grain crops needed very smooth, level ground to insure a fairly even
stand so that all plants would germinate, grow and ripen at approximately the
same time. Much grain was lost in
harvesting if some over-ripe kernels fell to the ground while others were too
green to harvest. It was recommended
that corn be the first crop raised. The
larger size of its seed enabled it to survive rougher conditions that the other
grains.
It was corn that sustained the pioneers
during the first years of their settlement.
Meat was abundant but alone was hardly sufficient. Even if food was available from established
neighbors, money was extremely short to pay for it. To plant some corn was a high priority for
the newly arrived.
At first corn was planted by dropping seed
in holes made by a hoe. The seed was
dropped by hand from a basket or pouch carried by the farmer and covered with a
hoe. The earliest corn planters were
adjustments to the hoe, which permitted the release of grains of corn when the
hoe was struck into the ground. Then
came the hand planters which opened up a hole, and the planter dropped seed
down through a shute into the opening made.
The soil was then pressed down around the seed by the foot as the
planter stepped upon the previous drop while dropping seed in the next hill.
Next came the idea of of marking rows in
both directions with a drag. A long beam
with pins in it was dragged both ways across the field by horses, and then the
farmer would go along with the hand planter and plant the corn at the
intersection of the rows.
Seed corn was obtained by saving the best
ears of last year's crop. If a neighbor
had more desirable corn, an effort was made to buy some of his corn for seed,
or, very often, was obtained through some trade.
In May, 1870, Pattersons sold 1/2 bu. of
seed corn to Mr. Moresman at 12 shillings a bushel. They sold 1/2 bu. to Mr. Harding at the same
price. Mr. Brown was given 1/2 bu. in
payment for grafting trees.
In June of the same year (1870) Pattersons
sold 5/8 bu. of corn to Mr. Baird at 60 cts. per bushel. They also bought 1/4 bu. of seed corn from Mr.
Baird. No mention was made in the diary
as to the price paid for the seed corn.
L. D. Patterson's diary for May 10, 1868,
states, "We commenced planting corn today.
Ground dry & hard. Rather
doubtful whether corn will come up."
But the 1868 corn crop must have done all right for on Feb. 22, 1869
they sold in Berlin 34 bushels of corn at $.60 per bu. In April they shelled out seed corn and sold
some at $1.50 per bu. and some at $1.12 1/2 per bushel.
On May 12, 1869, his entry read, "It
is cold & rainy. It commenced
raining about 11 o'clock. I marked out
corn ground til noon. I can mark out
about 9 acres (both ways) in one day."
Other entries in his diary included:
May 15, 1869, "We planted corn
today. There were four of us
planting. We planted 10 acres
today."
May 22, 1869, "We finished planting
corn today."
June 17, 1869, "We plowed corn this
forenoon."
July 9, 1869, "I plowed out corn
yesterday."
July 17, 1869, "We are plowing corn
today."
An entry for July 5, 1871, states, "We finished plowing out corn. Corn looks good. It will average waist high. some comes up to chin,"
This "plowing corn" was not a
plowing of the corn out of the ground but a cultivating of the ground around
the corn hills.
The original cultivation of corn and other
crops planted in rows was by means of a hoe, but in the course of time a shovel
plow was used to loosen the earth and to suppress weeds and grass, being drawn
twice between the rows and turning the soil against one or the other. Next a tooth harrow was employed, and this
was drawn one way between the rows, and afterwards a cultivator with small
double-plowshares was used. Then
followed the double-shovel cultivator, cutting deep or shallow, as desired, and
turning the earth toward two opposite rows at the same time.
On June 8, 1876 L. D. Patterson 50 cts. for
a shovel plow point.
By the end of the nineteenth century a corn
planter had been invented that could
plant two rows at a time. A man sat on
the machine and at every point where the drag had crossed at right angles, he
moved a lever that dropped the corn which was covered by the wheels that turned
and pressed down the soil upon the seed.
Later a check row planter was
invented. A wire chain or knotted rope
was stretched across the field and anchored at both ends.
This passed through the machine as it was driven across the field and
dropped some grains of corn every time the knot passed through the machine. It was only necessary to drive backward and
forward all day long until the acres were planted, and then the corn could be
cultivated in both directions. Later
corn planters were invented with or without fertilizer adjustments, so that
several rows of corn could be planted at the same time in places at regular
distances apart, permitting cultivation in both directions.
In his diary entry for May 29, 1885, L. D.
Patterson states, "I paid Clute $28.00 for half corn planter." No description of the planter or co-ownership
deal accompanied this statement.
Cultiators also improved by the end of the
century. By then the farmer could ride
while he cultivated the rows of his crop in both directions.
Two types of field corn were grown--dent
and flint. Dent was the leader. It was so named because the top of each
kernel was creased or dented. This dent
could vary from a dimple to a rough crease.
It was caused by the unequal drying of the hard and soft starch of which
the kernel is composed. Flint corn
differed from dent because it contained very little soft starch. Flint was better for table use, but dent was
widely used for animal feed. Some
varieties were favored in cold climates because of their ability to germinate
at lower temperatures.
Entries in L. D.'s diary included:
May 19, 1875, "We planted 7 acres of
the flat south of the barn today to flint corn."
May 21, 1987, "We finished planting
our corn today. We planted 10 acres
south of the barn to flint & 11 acres in the SE corner field to dent."
Dec. 7, 1875, "Hans helped us sort
corn from 11 o'clock until night."
Dec. 31, 1875, "From 21 acres of corn
we had nearly 2000 bushels of ears, half of it Canada Flint and is sound but
the remainder is dent and is some soft but not bad. Nearly all Dent corn in the country is
moulding more or less."
The pioneers harvested their corn by using
knives to cut the stalks from the ground and husking the ears by hand. (On Sept. 9, 1875 L. D. bought two corn
cutters for 40 cts. By Sept, 1877 he had
to pay $1.50 for three of them.) A
sharpened wooden peg was often strapped to the hand for opening the husks. The corn was shelled by hand, either on a
frying-pan handle or on a shovel or by rubbing the cob against the unshelled
ears.
Good weather during the harvesting season
was used in cutting the stalks, tying them into bundles and shocking them or
hauling them into a barn or shed. During
rainy weather they could be husked under a roof.
Corn harvesters drawn by horses were
invented that cut the cornstalks and bound them into bundles at the same time.
By the end of the nineteenth century corn shredders
had been invented which husked the corn and at the same time cut the husks,
stalks and blades (leaves) into feed.
They were driven by a belt connected to a steam engine. Cornshellers had also been invented, the
first ones being a cylinder turned by a crank.
L. D.'s diary entry for Sept. 7, 1874,
stated, "We commenced to build a corn crib today. Hildreth does the carpenter work." On Jan. 1, 1875, he stated, "We have built
during the year a corn crib 20 x 30 (It cost about $50.00.)"
On Jan. 11, 1876, Pattersons bought a corn
sheller for $12.00 from O. J. Clark & Co.
On Jan. 13 of the same year L. D. took it back and traded it for a
$13.00 sheller and paid the difference in price.
A Sept. 21, 1876 diary entry stated,
"I bought two corn baskets of a man in Princeton for 90 cts. apiece. Amt $1.80.
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